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For many Turks, Germany is home

Graham Bowley/IHT, Monday, October 04, 2004, International Herald Tribune

As EU debates Turkey's membership, assimilation and identity are at issue

ESSEN, Germany Arslan Kaynar's father left Zonguldak, a Turkish coal town on the Black Sea, in 1969. Arslan followed two years later and got a job in one of the great Krupp steel factories along the Ruhr in this industrial part of western Germany. As a Muslim, he went to a mosque - which had been converted from a sausage plant - until arsonists razed it in 1995.

One recent morning, Kaynar sat in the new Mehmet the Conqueror Mosque, which opened three years ago in Essen, breakfasting on Turkish bread, white squares of cheese and olives. The mosque has six clocks beneath the dome showing the times of daily prayers, a chandelier from Turkey and one of the first minarets to be built in Germany. The minaret looks out over a region populated by one of the largest communities of Turks in Western Europe, most of whom now consider Germany their permanent home.

"I want to stay here," said Kaynor, 45, a stocky man with a reddish-brown mustache and serious brown eyes. "We have bought a house. My children want to stay here. We in Germany are already in the European Union. Here is home."

On Wednesday, European commissioners in Brussels are likely to give their approval for Turkey, which has been a member of NATO since 1952, to begin talks to join the European Union. The long-awaited decision will end an agonizing debate, one that has roiled the EU's political elite, about the true borders of Europe and the nature of European identity.

The EU was stretched in May when 10 new countries, mainly in Central and Eastern Europe, joined the club of 15 Western nations. In recent months doubts have been raised in the EU about whether Turkey, with a foot in Asia and a foot in Europe, truly belongs alongside countries like France, Germany and Britain and whether embracing this vast, poor and mainly Muslim nation of around 70 million people could precipitate an explosive wave of migration across the Continent and a clash of values in the West.

Yet in the crucible of the Ruhrgebiet, the industrial region around Essen, East has lived with West for 50 years. It is here that answers can be found about whether an earlier wave of Turkish migrants has integrated successfully and what it means today to be European.

Of the 3.8 million ethnic Turks now in Western Europe, more than two million of them have settled in Germany, forming the country's biggest foreign population. When they started to arrive, mainly in the early 1960s, they were drawn by jobs.

The Ruhrgebiet, a region dotted with spires and churches, had earlier sucked in Prussians, Poles and other migrants to work in the booming coal mines and steel mills.

In the '60s, the German government wanted the Turks; it needed extra hands to work the lathes and foundries of the nation's postwar Wirtschaftswunder, its economic miracle. But by the late 1970s and 1980s, when industry began to decline, Germany encouraged Turks to return home.

"Germans hoped that tomorrow they would wake up and all the Turks would be gone," said Helmut Schweitzer, who works with immigrants on behalf of the city government here.

But the "guest workers" had put down roots, so much so that their compatriots back home began referring to them as "almanci," or German-like: rich, comfortable, some even consuming pork.

Their wives and families joined them in the West, and they had children in their new home.

"People started realizing they were not going back to Turkey," said Lale Yalcin-Hechmann, research professor at the Max Planck Institute for Social Anthropology in Halle, eastern Germany, who was born in Turkey. "Turkey was not forgotten, but it became a place to go for your holiday, just like for other Germans."

Today, a majority of Germany's Turks have integrated successfully. Take Selgün Calisir, for example. In 1969, his father left Istanbul to become a carpenter in Duisberg, about 30 kilometers, or 20 miles, along the Ruhr valley from Essen. It is a city dominated by the chimneys of the Thyssen steel company.

After attending college, the younger Calisir opened a travel agency.

In his job, he flies Turks back to their homeland. Now he has expanded and runs a tax consultancy and a bank in Duisberg.

Depending on the day, he drives a sleek, black Mercedes-Benz or a blue BMW sport utility vehicle, twin symbols of German middle-class solidity.

"I feel both German and Turkish," Calisir said, standing in his broad-windowed office in a street lined with Turkish dress shops and jewelry stores. "Yes, I go to the mosque, but not that often. We take our son 10 kilometers to a school where there are no Turks so he has to speak German.

"But now I am buying a plot of land for my own house in a German neighborhood."

Turks like Calisir offer a hopeful picture for any future westward migration triggered by Turkey's inclusion in the EU. Yet other Turks here have been less able or willing to part with aspects of their native identity.

In the streets close to Arslan Kaynar's mosque, women wearing head scarves push their children past the Turkish food stores and shops. The head scarves, interpreted by Germans as symbols of political Islam, have suddenly begun to appear again - a sign, according to Bernd Kassner of the Westdeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung, the local newspaper, of a new "de-integration" by third- and fourth-generation Turks. Their retreat into stricter Islam, he says, may be caused by the economic downturn, which has hit the Turkish community hard, but also by a search for identity.

"They are trying to express themselves by being not German," Kassner said. "Then there is the embrace of Islam as the religion of the underprivileged."

Islam has taken extreme forms in the Ruhrgebiet: Milli Görüs, a group promoting a strict interpretation of Islamic law, has its headquarters in Cologne, close to Essen. The self-styled caliph of Cologne, Metin Kaplan, a militant Islamic cleric and head of a separate group, has called for the violent overthrow of the secular Turkish state.

The return to Islamic roots among some Turks has hardened opposition to immigrants among some in the ethnic German population. Rightist extremists were among those suspected of burning down the mosque in Essen.

But unlike Eastern Germany, where xenophobic parties scored high in elections last month, the western region has been generally tolerant toward its immigrants.

Still, there are new calls for Turks to do more to assimilate. "There is still lots to do on integration," Wolfgang Reiniger, the center-right mayor of Essen, said in an interview at the town hall.

This angers the Turkish community. It believes it should be able to retain a dual identity and blames the government for policies that they say keep Turks in their ghettos.

"Germans attack us for not assimilating, for being in a ghetto, but it is their problem, not ours," said Oylar Saguner, a burly man who runs the German-Turkish Language and Cultural Institute in Essen. "They need to accept us."

Notions that Turks are different from Western Europeans were stirred in the past two weeks by a row in Europe over the adoption by Turkey of a new penal code. The code was viewed in the EU as essential to demonstrating Ankara's embrace of the western rule of law.

But Turkey's prime minister, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, considered adding a clause criminalizing adultery. And the spreading conviction that Turkish values were not Europe's - that the eastern country, while modernizing, was still not modern enough - prompted Angela Merkel, leader of the Christian Democratic Union in Germany, to call for membership talks to be postponed.

Frits Bolkestein, an outspoken EU commissioner from the Netherlands, warned of the "Islamization" of Europe and dwelt on the 1683 siege of Vienna, conjuring up the prospect of a Europe and Christendom overrun by marauding Turks. The imagery resonated with older, conservative communities in Germany, Austria, Netherlands and France.

Erdogan eventually dropped the adultery law, but the incident revived the debate on Turkey in the EU. This debate has to do partly with a convulsive fear that Turks would take Europe's scarce jobs. But it also reflects visions of what the EU should be: a loose, sprawling trade pact, which is what Britain wants, or a cohesive political entity, able to exert itself powerfully in world politics, which is the French ideal. Critics of Turkish membership suspect that British and American support for Ankara is motivated by the fervent hope that Turkey's impoverished population of 70 million will scupper Europhiles' dreams of a strong federalist union centered on Berlin and Paris.

But just as some Europeans cling to anti-Turkish views, others are becoming more accepting of the foreigners who already live in their midst. In Essen, the immigrant influence is clear in the meat kebab stalls at the city's main train station, busy with hungry Germans. But change is also evident in more subtle ways.

According to Schweitzer, of the Essen municipal government, Germans are now recognizing the true extent of immigration in their country.

"We are really an immigrant nation and don't know it yet," Schweitzer said. "We are traditionally very monolingual - one citizenship, one passport, one language. But we are gradually accepting other languages. Germany is becoming a normal immigrant country."

That acceptance of a multiethnic future means Turkey will probably get the go-ahead this week to begin negotiations to join the EU. Two weeks ago, Günter Verheugen, the EU commissioner in charge of enlargement and a German citizen, said no "outstanding obstacles" remained on the table. The commission, however, may attach strict conditions requiring Turkey to make progress on human rights and democracy. After Verheugen and his fellow commissioners vote Wednesday, their opinion will be used as the basis for a final decision by European leaders on Dec. 17.

It will end 40 years of talk: Turkey has been offered promises of EU membership for decades. An affirmative decision in December will also reunite the Turkish diaspora in Essen with their country. But while a momentous event for Turks, it will say as much about how Western Europe is changing.

In a classroom in the Essen suburb of Kartenberg one recent evening, four Germans read from textbooks as they struggled to learn Turkish. "I teach in a primary school where 60 percent of the pupils are Turkish," said Barbara Wahl, a 59-year-old German. "Their mothers don't speak any German at home." Her husband, Dirk, 60, a retired engineer, said: "Our daughter married a Turkish man. He speaks very good German, but we tell him to speak Turkish to his children."

A third student, Axel Buchmann, 48, a dentist, said he was learning Turkish to start a business helping Germans get their teeth fixed across the Bosporus.

"I am not afraid they will overwhelm our identity," he said. "I believe in my culture. It is strong enough to survive."

International Herald Tribune


Copyright © 2004 The International Herald Tribune


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