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New Open Access Journal: After Culture – Emergent Anthropologies

On the website of the American Anthropological Association, medical anthropologist Matthew Wolf-Meyer announces a new anthropology journal called After Culture: Emergent Anthropologies:

The first issue is planned for release in September 2006, and thereafter will be published semiannually (in March and September) and made available free through the internet (URL forthcoming).

This is good news for all of us who promote open access to scientific knowledge!

There will be no paper version of the journal “as this steeply raises costs”, he explains on his own homepage.

It doensn’t seem to be that much expensive to run a online journal. The total cost of one year’s worth of publications (2 issues, 200 pages), he writes, is approximately $3200 (based on University of California Press figures and including the costs of formatting, online storage and publicity).

Currently, they are seeking article manuscripts which focus on the interactions between nature, culture and society, or are in the general thematic areas of science and technology studies or critical studies of medical knowledge and practice.

Given AAA approval, the journal will be published by the University of California Press and made available through AnthroSource, he adds.

>> continue reading on Matthew Wolf-Meyer’s homepage

>> Call for Papers

On the website of the American Anthropological Association, medical anthropologist Matthew Wolf-Meyer announces a new anthropology journal called After Culture: Emergent Anthropologies:

The first issue is planned for release in September 2006, and thereafter will be published semiannually (in March and…

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“Anthropology not less scientific than physics”

It might not be something new to us that anthropology is as scientific as physics. But it’s as Steve Gilday writes in the Cavalier Daily:

Most people make the strongest connections between science and subjects like physics, chemistry and biology. Anthropology is notably absent from that list.

But, he adds, that doesn’t make anthropology any less scientific. He gives us two nice quotes from an anthropologist and a physician:

Anthropologist Richard Handler says:

“Cultural Anthropology is a social science that systematically engages cultural worlds in order to learn about them. Using a Western definition of science, cultural anthropology is scientific in that it systematically creates and organizes empirical data, drawn from the anthropologist’s interactions with the people studied, and uses that data to attempt to answer fundamental questions about culture and human life. So for all the people who would just as soon get rid of anthropology, there are others who see it as a useful tool for understanding a global world.”

Physician Blaine Norum says:

“My principal field of study is nuclear physics, the study of the atomic nucleus, its properties, and its constituents. I think most people identify nuclear physics with its most visible applications: nuclear power and nuclear weapons. Fewer appreciate its role in cancer therapy, medical imaging, homeland security and a myriad of other spin-offs. Fewer still appreciate its role in understanding the behavior and evolution of stars and how the elements that comprise us and the universe formed in the beginning.”

Gilday concludes that “although nuclear physics and anthropology may seem completely unrelated, Norum’s view of science as a process parallels that of Handler”.

>> read the whole story: What is Science?

It might not be something new to us that anthropology is as scientific as physics. But it's as Steve Gilday writes in the Cavalier Daily:

Most people make the strongest connections between science and subjects like physics, chemistry and biology.…

Read more

Success in publishing defined by quality? Anthropology Matters on “The Politics of Publishing”

The new issue of Anthropology Matters – one of the few anthropology online journals is out. The topic is “The Politics of publishing” – a topic that has been widely debated on anthropology blogs: Mostly, the internet was discussed as an alternative (or additional sphere) to publishing in journals because it’s easier and (generally) cheaper to share knowledge online.

The three papers on the culture, cosmology and social organisation of the publishing industry are fascinating reading. One of the main points are summed up in the introduction by Ian Harper and Rebecca Marsland. We often take for granted that only the best articles are published in academic journals. This is wrong, they argue. Success in publishing is not so much defined by academic quality, as your ability to network:

Access to publishing is highly dependent on personalized networks – a situation that can leave postgraduate anthropologists out in the cold. The chances of your paper being published are dictated by two or more peer reviewers, in a peer review process entangled in personal connections and agendas, and shrouded in personal opinion and perhaps some mysticism.

Therefore, Ronnie Frankenberg, tells in an interview, stressing the social aspects of publishing:

Publishing a paper requires the same kind of research as when you apply for a job actually. Then you would find out about the department, and the other people there, and what their interests are, and what they’ve done. You stand a much better chance of getting a paper published if you’ve read at least one issue of the journal, if you’ve looked at what the editor’s interests are, if you’ve looked on the internet at what the aims are.

And it’s of course important which journals you’re going to choose. There are hierarchies, dominated by the US publications. An anthropologist colleague who wanted to publish in a journal produced in Nepal was told by his supervisor not to waste his time, and to start thinking about publishing in serious journals, Harper and Marsland write ( >> read more on the experiences of running a journal in Nepal)

About the US, Daniel Miller writes:

The US system is heavily biased towards giving tenure to academics who have published in a few key journals rather than publishing per se. (…) With books the situation can be even worse. The same tenure system prioritizes certain publishers rather than others.

Additionally, the US system is “incredibly insular” according to Ronnie Frankenberg in an interview with Christine Barry:

I mean they are quite likely to publish articles from Eastern Europe and Latin America as a matter of principle, but unless a paper is by someone very famous from England or France it’s not going to be given very top priority.

So you mean even if it gets favourable reviews they still might not publish it.

Ronnie: Absolutely

Miller points in his paper Can’t publish and be damned to the issue of commercialisation of knowledge. He criticizes that “academic reputation has been outsourced to commercial interests”. The market is dominated by few publishers. The number of independent UK presses that twenty years ago published anthropology either no longer exist or have been bought out. He continues:

The problem is that there are far more manuscripts that can properly claim to be worth publishing on academic grounds than can be sold as commercial successes. Berg, as most presses today, including university presses, is essentially a commercial organization that survives only to the degree to which it remains profitable.

(…)

Some absolutely brilliant scholarly and wonderful books simply have not sold. There are plenty that are successful, but the evidence is that the sales often do not correlate with scholarly quality or originality. A textbook without much of either may outsell an exemplary monograph. So the bottom line is that there are many manuscripts that on academic grounds ought to be published but are not commercially viable, and that may include your intended masterpiece.

The response on the call for papers for this special edition on the politics of publishing was low, the editors write and wonder:

We pride ourselves on our disciplinary self-reflexivity, yet it is odd that these issues have not been unpacked more.

This reminds me of an earlier article by Kerim Friedman on Open Access Anthropology:

Concerns over the ethical dilemmas involved in producing knowledge about the “other” have, in the past few decades, radically changed how anthropologists conduct research and write ethnographies. Unfortunately, they have not changed how we publish. Do we want our intellectual contributions to be hidden in dusty archives, or available to anyone who can Google?

>> continue to Anthropology Matters 2/2005: The Politics of Publishing

SEE ALSO:

Open Access Anthropology – Debate about the Publishing Industry on Savage Mind

Open Source Anthropology : Are anthropologists serious about sharing knowledge?

Marshall Sahlins wants to make the Internet the new medium for pamphleteering

How can we create a more plural anthropological community?

More and more anthropologists, but they’re absent from public debates – “Engaging Anthropology” (1)

The new issue of Anthropology Matters - one of the few anthropology online journals is out. The topic is "The Politics of publishing" - a topic that has been widely debated on anthropology blogs: Mostly, the internet was discussed as…

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"Ethnographic perspectives needed in discussion on public health care system"

In the current discussion on reforming the American public health care system, ethnographic perspectives are especially needed — and sadly lacking, Sarah Horton and Louise Lamphere write in Anthropology News January 2006. They call for an “Anthropology of Health Policy”:

Anthropologists’ relative neglect of health policy issues may lie, in part, in our tendency to view the realm of policy as outside our disciplinary scope. Yet in doing so, we have ceded the field of health policy to health economists, who have long held hegemonic sway over the terms in which we discuss and understand the current American health care system. Terms such as the “law of demand” and “cost-efficiencies” are commonly used to explain the logic of imposing cost-sharing through premiums and deductibles. Patients are instead portrayed as “consumers of health care,” naturalizing the idea of health care as a commodity whose use must be restricted.

As medical anthropologists were once instrumental in challenging the terms of the rationality debate three decades ago, it is time we dust off our boxing gloves. There are multiple levels of analysis at which anthropologists can make a contribution to debates over health policy—at the levels of individual behavior, institutional policy and public discourse.

(…)

Finally, as ethnographers, we should continue to document how such reforms play out in our tattered health care safety net. Perhaps nowhere else are the effects of such reforms more visible to the ethnographic eye.

>> continue (LINK UPDATED 3.4.2020)

SEE ALSO:

What is medical anthropology?

earlier news on medical anthropology

In the current discussion on reforming the American public health care system, ethnographic perspectives are especially needed — and sadly lacking, Sarah Horton and Louise Lamphere write in Anthropology News January 2006. They call for an "Anthropology of Health Policy":…

Read more

The Secret of Good Ethnographies – Engaging Anthropology Part III

If anthropologists want to have a larger impact on society, they have to write better. This is the main argument of Thomas Hylland Eriksen’s book Engaging Anthropology. A central question raised in the book: How can anthropology become more relevant for the “outside world”? See part I and part II of my review. Here’s the third and last part.

The fact may be that when anthropologists fail to reach the general intellectual public, it is because they have been taught to be more worried about the reactions from the people they eat lunch with than what people outside the university might think. As a result, they sometimes seem to write badly on purpose.

(…)

To my mind, the single most important characteristic of anthropological writings is that it tends to be chiefly analytical. This means that it is more difficult to get into and less easy to remember than narratives. Stories are the stuff of life; analysis is for specialists

(…)

With modest but determined effort, some of this work could have made a difference outside the subject and indeed outside the academy. Provided, of course, this is considered worthwhile.

(my emphasis as I guess this is a crucial point: many anthropologists I know, don’t want to have much publicity around their work)

How can this be done? How to write better? What are the secrets of good ethnographies?

Essential: As a writer, he argues, you have to care for your readers. Readers want stories. And if you tell your stories well, readers accept dwelving into complex issues (see popular books on sociobiology). Don’t hesitate and let you inspire and pick up a technique or two from journalists: short sentences, not too much jargon, the conclusion in the beginning instead in the end. Less analysis, more narrative. Or rather: Weave the analysis into the narrative!

Many of the best writers address their readers as accomplices, as friends or fellow-travellers, or as adversaries to be won over. That was Montaigne‘s method in Essais, and its potential has not been exhausted yet. Arguably, the open-ended storytelling mode would have been appropriate for a discipline like anthropology in its current incarnation, where few final answers are offered and theoretical conclusions tend to be provisional.

Eriksen is convinced, that it’s possible to turn the research findings into compelling narratives without losing their analytical complexity.

That many anthropologists are perfectly capable of writing well, is regularly demonstrated in the pages of a magazine such as Anthropology Today. In fact, many of the publications are so good, so well written and interesting for a general readership, that one can only lament the fact that this magazine (…) is only being distributed to anthropologists.

In chapter 5 and 6 which are the most interesting ones in my opinion, he reviews som ethnographies.

Douglas Holmes (2000): Integral Europe is an analysis of right-wing populists in England and France. He does almost everything right, Eriksen writes. Holmes has actually spun a narrative, a story relating his own process of discovery but:

“If it were to become really successful in terms of influence, however, it would need to be even sharper in its central formulations on the connections between fast-capitalism, multiculturalism and neofascism, it would have to integrate the analytical framework more seamlessly, and most importantly, it would have to tell the story in a more straightforward and engaging way.”

Aihwa Ong (1999): Flexible Citizenship is a multi-sited ethnography on transnationalism and citizenship among Chinese, the spread of Chinese economic interests worldwide – topics that according to Eriksen many people are interested in, but Ong is “bound to lose at least half of the potential readership on the first ten pages” because of the jargon she uses (“the tranational practices and imaginings of the nomadic subject” or “embeddedness in differently configured regimes of power”)

The book Eriksen likes best is Wade Davis (1995): The Serpent and the Rainbow – “one kind of anthropology at its very best”, “a rare example of an anthropology book from recent decades which has enjoyed popular success as well as respectful nods from fellow academics”, he writes:

Through his book, Davis comes across first and foremost as an adventurer and a storyteller, and almost incidentally as an academic. It could make the rest of us think that maybe we have this in ourselves too, but – alas – we never cared to look.

The book is a singe-person narrative where the reader follows the anthropologist on his path of discovery. Because of his literary language and his ability to tell stories, Eriksen writes, the reader is prepared to accept as much contextual complexity as it takes to get at the bottom of voudun (zombies in Haiti, the book’s topic).

A larger quote:

Now, The Serpent and the Rainbow arguably veers towards exoticism, but at the same time, it treats Haitians respectfully and makes it possible for Western readers without much exposure to “other cultures” to understand how and why it can be that Haitians are both different from and similar to ourselves. In this shared, shrinking world of ours, anthropologists have a duty to do what they do best, namely to make credible translations between different life-worlds and world-views, and to show how such translations make embarrassing reading for global elites who see themselves asthe guardians of universal humanism. Rather than regurgitating the relativist views of early twentieth-century anthropology, a contemporary public anthropology can represent a universal humanism which recognizes the significance of difference. By virtue of its experience-near material, anthropologists are in a better position than most to do this crucial job.

(…)

Anthropology can teach humility and empathy, and also the ability to listen, arguably one of the scarcest resources in the rich parts of the world these days. It can even be fun

No doubt, Engaging Anthropology is an important book, a book that had to be written and will trigger neccessary debates. Most of my recent reviews (in Norwegian) contained some remarks on the unreadable style of writing, “postmodern tribal language” etc. But unfortunately it’s not one of Eriksen’s best written books. It’s not well structured, quite repetitive. And I wonder why he hasn’t treated the possible role of the internet for a more relevant public anthropology.

Thomas Hylland Eriksen is going to write more about these issues. He will be guestblogger on Savage Minds, as it just has been announced

UPDATE: Eriksen’s first posts: A drop of complexity and A predicament of sport and What is good anthropological writing?

SEE ALSO:

More and more anthropologists, but they’re absent from public debates – “Engaging Anthropology” (1)

Why anthropology fails to arouse interest among the public – Engaging Anthropology (2)

Chapter 1 of Engaging anthropology: The Case for a Public Presence

If anthropologists want to have a larger impact on society, they have to write better. This is the main argument of Thomas Hylland Eriksen's book Engaging Anthropology. A central question raised in the book: How can anthropology become more relevant…

Read more