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Protests against British research council: “Recruits anthropologists for spying on muslims”

Reading my earlier post “The dangerous militarisation of anthropology” you might get the impression that this is something that only regards the U.S. But the same thing is happening in Britain. A few weeks ago the Association of Social Anthropologists of the UK and Commonwealth (ASA) passed a resolution that criticized a huge British research program that recruits anthropologists for “anti-terror” spying activities, and anthropologist Susan Wright (Danish University of Education) called for global coordination on this issue.

Here is ASAs resolution:

The ASA notes with concern the formulations of the recent ESRC/AHRC/FCO funding initiatives (Programmes) on ‘New Security Challenges’. While welcoming the withdrawal of the first proposed Programme, it considers that the revised initiative, particularly as set out in section 3.2. (that the research should inform UK Counter Terrorism policy overseas), is prejudicial to the position of all researchers working abroad, including those who have nothing to do with this Programme”.

This meeting thus proposes as follows:

* that all anthropologists in the UK, and members of the ASA in particular who might have applied for funding under this Programme, consider carefully the position in which they could place themselves, the people with whom they work in the field, and other colleagues. They should also note that research of this kind may well conflict with the ASA’s Code of Ethics,

* that the office-holders and Committee have the confidence of the ASA membership to discuss these issues with colleagues within this and other disciplines, both through networks and professional associations, and decide on what further actions are appropriate.

“This is a major issue that professional associations in the UK and the US need to take a hard line on”, writes Susan Wright in Anthropology Today February 2007:

It’s no use one country’s professional association taking a hard line and another not: it will make it impossibly difficult for politically marginalized people to decide who to work with and who not to if any country’s professional association condones academic enquiry being confused with spying, surveillance or counterinsurgency.

What’s this all about?

In July 2006, the British Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO) invited chosen academics to bid for funding under a £1.3-million research initiative entitled ‘Combating terrorism by countering radicalisation’. It is a research program that is based on the premise of a link between Islam, radicalization and terrorism. ‘Radicalization’ is a new buzzword in intelligence circles and was nowhere defined.

As Gustaaf Houtman explained in Anthropology Today 6/2006:

The ‘initiative’ was not openly advertised and MI5’s Joint Terrorism Analysis Centre (which in 2003 brought together counter-terrorist expertise from 11 key government departments and agencies, including the police), was understood to have participated in its design. The programme was jointly sponsored by the Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC) and the Arts and Humanities Research Council (AHRC) under the direction of Professor Stuart Croft, the Director of the ESRC’s five-year New Security Challenges Programme (a programme that began in 2003, and sponsors 40 research projects aiming ‘to try to offer fresh insight into the security challenges faced in the post-Cold War and post-9/11 globalized world’).

Under the ‘Combating terrorism programme’ six regions – Europe, Central Asia, South Asia, Southeast Asia, North Africa and the Gulf – and five specific countries – Jordan, Nigeria, Somalia, Sudan and Turkey – were chosen for study.

Academics would be asked to ‘scope the growth in influence and membership of extremist Islamist groups in the past 20 years’, ‘indicate where intervention strategies might have a disproportionate influence’, ‘name the key figures (moderate and extreme) and key groups (including charities and proselytising religious groups) influencing the local population’ and ‘understand the use of theological legitimisation for violence’. Among the main topics mentioned were ‘radicalisation drivers and counter- strategies in each of the country studies’ and ‘future trends likely to increase/decrease radicalisation’.

But these plans were suspended soon after the Times Higher Educational Supplement got hold of the story and this spring, a revised version was launched.

Nevertheless, the focus doesn’t seem to have changed a lot as we see in these lines in paragraph 3.2:

The FCO’s interest in this initiative stems from the recognition that independent, high-quality research on radicalisation issues can inform UK Counter Terrorism policy overseas. As part of the Prevent strand of that policy in particular, the FCO seeks to use research to increase its knowledge and understanding of the factors associated with radicalisation in those countries and regions identified as high priority. The Prevent strand is concerned with tackling the radicalisation of individuals, both in the UK and elsewhere, which sustains the international terrorist threat.

(…)

Proposals with a country or regional focus should address questions arising out of a critical engagement with the conventional wisdom and scholarship on topics of relevance to the initiative.

These include:
• Key political, social, cultural and demographic factors that impact upon Muslim populations in the area of study
• The social profile of those who may support or be attracted to violence, in terms of gender, age, class and ethnicity
• Diverse forms of avowedly Islamist mobilisation, both political and non-political, violent and non-violent
• The diversity of Islamic schools, organisations, political parties and social movements and the divisions between such bodies, movements and sects
• Patterns of migration, identity formation, and mobilisation among Muslim diasporic communities and their impact on ‘radicalisation’

The project is not an entirely British affair. According to Jeremy Keenan (Anthropology Today February 2007) it has been designed to meet the needs of its US ally, whose counter-terrorism initiatives have been running into an increasing number of difficulties in several places in the world. The FCO, he writes, had been asked by the Americans to help them in their “counterterrorist efforts” in the Sahara-Sahel. The FCO was now asking the ESRC and AHRC to get British academics involved. Keenan who has done reearch in this area for 30 years in this area has also been asked to advise them.

This ‘second front’, he writes, has played a key role in furthering US interests over the last five years. In particular, it has created the ideological conditions used to justify and legitimize the current militarization of Africa for the purposes of securing US strategic national resources – notably oil. The ‘front’ has also been used by the Pentagon’s controversial Office of Special Plans to ‘cherry-pick’ now largely disproved intelligence to support its invasion of Iraq. It has also helped to keep a more sceptical ‘old Europe’ supportive of the ‘global’ ‘war on terror’.

But as his research has shown, there are no terrorists there. Most, if not all, of the ‘terrorist’ incidents in this region, which justified the launch of the ‘second front’, Keenan writes, were fabricated by US and/or Algerian military intelligence services.

SEE ALSO:

The dangerous militarisation of anthropology

“Tribal Iraq Society” – Anthropologists engaged for US war in Iraq

Fieldwork reveals: Bush administration is lying about the “war on terror” in the Sahara

San Jose: American Anthropologists Stand Up Against Torture and the Occupation of Iraq and AAA Press Release: Anthropologists weigh in on Iraq, torture at annual meeting

“War on terror”: CIA sponsers anthropologists to gather sensitive information / see also debate on this on Savage Minds

Anthropology and Counterinsurgency: The Strange Story of Their Curious Relations

Bush, “war of terror” and the erosion of free academic speech: Challenges for anthropology

USA: Censorship threatens fieldwork – A call for resistance

Two Books Explore the Sins of Anthropologists Past and Present

Reading my earlier post “The dangerous militarisation of anthropology” you might get the impression that this is something that only regards the U.S. But the same thing is happening in Britain. A few weeks ago the Association of Social Anthropologists…

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Doctoral thesis: Towards a transnational Islam

Young muslims are moving from an Islam based on the culture of their homeland to an increasingly transnationally embedded Islam of Muslims from many different countries and cultures. That’s one of the findings in the doctoral thesis by Norwegian anthropologist Christine M. Jacobsen that is now no longer available online. (UPDATE 26.3.2020)

Contributing to an emerging “anthropology of Islam in Europe”, she writes, her thesis is concerned with exploring continuities and discontinuities in religious identities and practices in a context of international migration and globalization. She has conducted fieldwork among youth and students who participate in two Islamic organizations in Oslo.

The situation of belonging to a minority group, she writes, means that young Muslims cannot take their religion for granted, and that they must engage in the redefinition of identity/difference and of Islamic traditions. And in this redefinition, young Muslims increasingly aspire to engage directly with Islamic texts in order to “choose” which position or interpretation to adhere to. They increasingly engage in discussion and debate on issues that were previously mainly an area of scholarly debate.

In order to make this thesis relevant to the broader comparative field of studies of Islam in Europe, Jacobsen draws on insights from studies of young Muslims elsewhere in Europe.

She criticizes the prevailing methodological nationalism in studies on immigrants and migration (the paradigm of the nation-state as the principle organizing unit of society). She writes:

Discussions about integration often ignore distinctions related to e.g. class, generation, gender, and urban processes, and tend to reify the distinction between “Us” (the Norwegian society representing Norwegian values) and “Them” (being the foreigners that must be integrated). Often, such discussions proceed without questioning the premises upon which our understanding of “integration” depends, and the way in which integration is part of a nation-making process.

In research that is based in political-administrative and methodological nationalist perspective, immigrants and the cultural and religious forms they represent tend to be constructed as “social problems” and “deviance” that need to be solved and brought into order through governing processes (Lithman 2004).

An example is the issue of arranged marriage:

Depending on the perspective adopted, arranged marriage might appear as an issue of deviancy among immigrants or as a part of how a majority of mankind organizes its social life. The consequences for anthropology as cultural critique are obviously important. When immigrants and the social and cultural forms they represent are constructed as “social problems” and “deviance”, they can neither allow worthwhile and interesting critiques of “our own society”, nor enlighten us about other human possibilities, to paraphrase Marcus and Fischer.

Within this nationalistic perspective, Islam is usually approached in terms of how it hinders or facilitates the “integration” of “Muslim immigrants” into “Norway” (or other European societies, “the West”). Studies of Muslims in Europe based on what Lithman calls “wonderment over society” seem to be less frequent, she writes:

When framed within the perspective of a nationalist methodology, this endeavour necessarily must result in ethnocentrism. Furthermore, this perspective has certain consequences not only for the description of the social and cultural aspects involved in migration, but also for its moral evaluation and as a basis for policy making.

She prefers “methodological relativism”:

Even though it is impossible to exclude all value-assumptions from research, I find striving towards considering different practices and traditions on their own terms worthwhile. If not, it is difficult to grasp the meaningfulness of social and cultural practices to the people that engage in them, or to see them as alternative ways of organizing human life, rather than just as deviance from a norm.

>> Download the thesis Staying on the straight path: Religious identities and practices among young muslims in Norway by Christine M. Jacobsen (BORA, Bergen Open Research Archive)

For those who read Norwegian: I’ve interviewed Christine M. Jacobsen a few weeks ago, see Doktorgrad på unge norske muslimer: På vei til en transnasjonal islam

LINKS UPDATED 26.3.2020

SEE ALSO:

Andreas Wimmer and Nina Glick Schiller: Methodological nationalism and beyond: Nation building, migration and the social sciences (pdf)

Why the French Don’t Like Headscarves

Muslims in Calcutta: Towards a middle-class & moderation

What does it mean to be Muslim in a secular society? Anthropologist thinks ahead

Islam in Morocco: TV and Internet more important than mosques

Lila Abu-Lughod: It’s time to give up the Western obsession with veiled Muslim women

Young muslims are moving from an Islam based on the culture of their homeland to an increasingly transnationally embedded Islam of Muslims from many different countries and cultures. That's one of the findings in the doctoral thesis by Norwegian…

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Why the French Don’t Like Headscarves

(LINKS UPDATED 11.1.2021) “Why the French Don’t Like Headscarves: Islam, the State and Public Space” is the title of a new book by American anthropologist John R. Bowen. For nearly three years ago, the French government banned headscarves and similar clothing that indicates religious affiliation from public schools.

Bowen writes in the introduction:

French public figures seemed to blame the headscarves for a surprising range of France’s problems including anti-Semitism, Islamic fundamentalism, growing ghettoization in the poor suburbs, and the breakdown of order in the classroom. A vote against headscarves would, we heard, support women battling for freedom in Afghanistan, schoolteachers trying to teach history in Lyon, and all those who wished to reinforce the principles of liberty, equality and fraternity.

He explains:

France has a long-standing tradition of state control and support of religious activity despite its modern laws concerning secularity. We often have the misconception that the state stays out of religious affairs. In fact, the French government pays the salaries of all teachers in private religious schools, it organized a national Islamic body, and it and city governments put a lot of money into building churches and mosques.

But because the Republican political tradition that developed out of the French Revolution of 1789 targeted the privileges of the Catholic Church, many French citizens developed a certain allergy to religions’ symbolism in public, and particularly in schools, a battleground between the Church and the Republic.

From that research, he’s working on another book, titled “Shaping Islam in France,” to be published in 2008, which will examine how French Muslims strive to build a base for their religious lives in a society that views these practices as incompatible with national values.

>> read the whole article on the website of Washington University in St.Louis

>> John R. Bowen: Muslims and Citizens. France’s headscarf controversy (Boston Review February/March 2004)

>> John R. Bowen: Pluralism and Normativity in French Islamic Reasoning (pdf)

>> John R. Bowen: Beyond Migration: Islam as a Transnational Public Space (pdf)

>> John R. Bowen: Does French Islam Have Borders? Dilemmas of Domestication in a Global Religious Field (pdf)

SEE ALSO:

Lila Abu-Lughod: It’s time to give up the Western obsession with veiled Muslim women

France: More and more muslims observe Ramadan

(LINKS UPDATED 11.1.2021) "Why the French Don't Like Headscarves: Islam, the State and Public Space" is the title of a new book by American anthropologist John R. Bowen. For nearly three years ago, the French government banned headscarves and similar…

Read more

Wanted: Cultural anthropologist to sort out Seattle’s Christmas trees

Are public Christmas trees an “unconstitunal endorsement of one religion over another”? The debates about the removal of nine Christmas trees at the Seattle airport remind of the hijab-controversis and the display of (supposedly) religious symbols in the public. The Christmas trees at the airport had come down after a rabbi requested that a Hanukkah menorah also be displayed. “We decided to take the trees down because we didn’t want to be exclusive,” said airport spokeswoman Terri-Ann Betancourt.

Seattle Times:

Port of Seattle staff felt adding the menorah would have required adding symbols for other religions and cultures in the Northwest, said Terri-Ann Betancourt, the airport’s spokeswoman. The holidays are the busiest season at the airport, she said, and staff didn’t have time to play cultural anthropologists.

Andrew Gumbel comments in The Independent:

By Monday night, the trees were back, as if nothing had happened. Airport officials, frantically wiping egg off their collective faces, thanked Rabbi Bogomilsky for seeing the light and promised to rethink their seasonal decorations for next year. Cultural anthropologists across the US are no doubt busy honing their application letters already.

>> Wanted: cultural anthropologist to sort out Seattle’s ‘holiday trees’ (Andrew Gumbel, The Independent 13.12.06)

>> Airport puts away holiday trees rather than risk being “exclusive” (Seattle Times, 10.12.06)

>> Christmas trees going back up at Sea-Tac (Seattle Times, 12.12.06)

>> Treeless in Seattle? The port stumbles (Robert L. Jamieson Jr, Seattle Post Intelligencer, 12.12.06)

>> Christmas trees date back to ancient nature lovers (seattle Times, 12.12.06)

Are public Christmas trees an "unconstitunal endorsement of one religion over another"? The debates about the removal of nine Christmas trees at the Seattle airport remind of the hijab-controversis and the display of (supposedly) religious symbols in the public. The…

Read more

Islam in Morocco: TV and Internet more important than mosques

Another example of how religious and cultural practices change: A soon to be released survey of religious practices in Morocco will show that the majority of Moroccans prefer to pray alone, and use audiovisual media and the internet for information on their religion, according to Magharebia.com:

About 65% of those interviewed pray on a regular basis and a significant portion of Moroccans practise their religion in an individual manner, rather than collectively. As for sources of religious knowledge, the survey has demonstrated the ever-growing role of satellite channels, audiovisual media in general, cassettes and the Internet. These channels have become essential sources, taking the place of traditional written sources, to the level of 85%.

The survey also picks up on the shrinking role of institutions providing religious teaching in the acquisition of religious knowledge. These institutions, such as the family, the mosque, the school, the brotherhood etc., do not play the role they used to play in giving Moroccan people a grounding in religion.

As for the status of women, the survey highlights the ever-growing role of women in the field of religion.

The survey was carried out by three Moroccan researchers — sociologist Mohamed El Eyadi, political analyst Mohamed Tozy and anthropologist Hassan Rachik — who were assisted by a team of field workers.

>> read the whole story in Magharebia.com

SEE ALSO:

Muslims in Calcutta: Towards a middle-class & moderation

What does it mean to be Muslim in a secular society? Anthropologist thinks ahead

Islam: Embracing modernity while remaining true to their traditions and core beliefs

Book review: Mahmood Mamdani: “Good Muslim, Bad Muslim”

Islam in Europe: Mainstream society as the provider of conditions

Islam Is Gaining a Foothold in Chiapas

How Islamic cassette sermons challenge the moral and political landscape of the Middle East

Lila Abu-Lughod: It’s time to give up the Western obsession with veiled Muslim women

Another example of how religious and cultural practices change: A soon to be released survey of religious practices in Morocco will show that the majority of Moroccans prefer to pray alone, and use audiovisual media and the internet for information…

Read more