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Book review: Presenting 2nd generation Multi-Sited Ethnography

Tereza Kuldova has read another book for us: Multi-Sited Ethnography: Theory, Praxis and Locality in Contemporary Research, edited by Mark-Anthony Falzon. It consists of 14 articles. Tereza Kuldova is currently planning a “multi-sited” fieldwork and has picked four articles that she considered most inspirational.

Multi-Sited Ethnography: Theory, Praxis and Locality in Contemporary Research (ed.) Mark-Anthony Falzon. 2009. Ashgate. ISBN 978-0-7546-7318-7.

Tereza Kuldova, PhD fellow, Museum of Cultural History, Oslo

This edited volume consisting of fourteen research papers takes us right into the middle of the theoretical dilemmas and practical challenges posed by “doing” multi-sited ethnography.

The discussion on multi-sited research can be viewed in the context of the changing realities of the world since the 1970s (commonly connected with terms like globalization, transnationalism, world system, diaspora, etc.).

It can thus be viewed in the context of times when the single-sited methodology is felt as inadequate and when the social sciences are struggling with their relationship to the local, while searching for larger scales of analysis and better ways how to capture the connections between people, things, and places and in the context of times when the concept of “culture” no longer stands the critique of a great deal of anthropologists.

“Second generation” multi-sited ethnography

In this sense this edited volume comes in the right time and is of great value. It presents something that could be labeled as a “second generation” multi-sited ethnography; it overflows with theoretical suggestions, prospects and critique based on highly valuable empirical examples from research and fieldwork.

All articles are theoretically oriented; they lead us towards rethinking of the concept of “multi-sited” in various directions and from various positions. In short, Multi-sited Ethnography deals with the accusations of “depthlessness” or absence of thick descriptions in multi-sited research, with the practical problems of working in diverse localities, the challenges of projects based on collaboration, the problem of implicit holism of the classical statements of multi-sited ethnography (Marcus 1995), and much more.

I now proceed to a discussion of several selected articles, which I personally, as an anthropologist who is currently planning a “multi-sited” fieldwork, considered most inspirational.

The value of the delimited field-sites

Let me first turn our attention to the critique of multi-sited ethnography by Mateo Candea in his article Arbitrary Locations: In Defense of the Bounded Field-Site (ibid: 25-46), which ignited and inspired many of the theoretical discussions, not only, present in this volume.

Candea targets in his critique what he sees as a latter-day implicit holism. This is to be found in “a suggestion that bursting out of our field-sites will enable us to provide an account of totality ‘out there’” (ibid: 27). He challenges this implicit holistic idea through his proposal to reconsider the value of the delimited field-sites. He argues that ethnography is about setting up ‘arbitrary locations’, he urges us to opt for ‘self-imposed restrictions’ and to take the path of ‘self-limitation’; to be reflexive and self-critical in our methodological decisions, to take responsibility for those decisions and to take responsibility for what we include and what we exclude.

He believes that being “explicit about the necessity of leaving certain things ‘out of bounds’” would turn “what feels like an illicit incompleteness into an actual methodological decision, one which the ethnographer reflects upon and takes responsibility for” (ibid:34). Arbitrary location for Candea is “not an object to be explained, but a contingent window into complexity” (ibid: 37).

Even though the title might mislead some, Candea’s article should not be read as an attack on multi-sited ethnography, rather, it views ‘multi-sited’ as a positive development, a development which brought a new wave of methodological reflexivity. And it is on this wave of methodological reflexivity that Candea’s article is sailing and challenging the imagined totality of ‘cultural formations’.

Candea’s article is one of those that push you to think further, and whatever your opinion might be, it definitely makes you sit down and rethink your own approach to multi-sited ethnography, though maybe in a different direction than his.

The myth of the “coherent whole”

The article What if There is No Elephant? Towards a Conception of an Un-sited Field by Joanna Cook, James Laidlaw and Jonathan Mair (ibid: 47-72), is a further rethinking of the holistic charge against multi-sited ethnography and in my view it brings Candea’s critique a step further.

The authors intend to lie to rest the holistic assumption that has haunted the first generation of multi-sited research and to carry the disconnection of ethnographic field from space to its logical conclusion through their proposal of ‘un-sited field’.

Studying the Buddhist ethics of self-cultivation in a multi-sited project has led them to question both the implicit holistic assumptions of multi-sited research and similar assumptions present in the theory of world religions. They proclaim that “the widespread assumption by adherents of self-consciously world religions, that there ‘must be’ a coherent whole of which they are part is itself a religious commitment, and one that is framed in distinctively modern terms” (ibid: 54).

Abandoning the “idea of sited field “

This line of thinking, I believe, is rather fruitful and it led the authors to the elaboration of the concept of ‘un-sited field’. Un-sited field means abandoning the idea of sited field altogether and acknowledging the three-fold distinction between space, place and field.

Abandoning the “idea of sited field makes it possible to admit that it never was possible to achieve a complex description of any area or group of people, but in exchange for acknowledging that fields are always constructed out of a too-rich reality, we would gain the freedom to determinate their boundaries explicitly, in relation to our research questions” (ibid: 58). This then means that “a valid ethnographic field need not correspond to a spatial entity of any kind, and need not be a holistic entity ‘out there’ to be discovered” (ibid: 68).

I too believe that our construction of field should be a primarily reflexive activity throughout the whole fieldwork period and even after and that we should be led by our research questions when determining what is within the boundaries we demarcate and what is beyond them. This reflexivity cannot be other than productive as is the clear distinction between space, place and field which is proposed.

Multisited ethnography = “Cross-fertilization of sites”

Another article which discusses, among others, the question of holism is Ester Gallos In the Right Place at the Right Time? Reflections on Multi-Sited Ethnography in the Age of Migration (ibid: 87-102). In this article Ester Gallo discusses her research experience among the Malayali migrants in Rome and in Ernakulam (Central Kerala, India).

She notes that it was first retrospectively that she articulated her fieldwork in Rome and in Kerala in terms of multi-sited ethnography. What she emphasizes is the importance of paying notice to the ‘meanings of movement’ involved in the processes of following people. Movement tends to be easily taken for granted, particularly in the migration studies. But in her view the meanings of movement must become objects of study rather than its premises (cf. Hage 2005).

Further discussing the question of holism, she believes that “once we move away from the holistic aspirations of multi-sitedness, we can look at how its application results in the cross-fertilization and reciprocal limitations between different levels of ethnographic perspective” (ibid: 89-90). Multi-sitedness in her view thus implies “both expansion and limitation of the ‘site’, as analytical framework and relational practice” (ibid: 90).

I like the idea of ‘cross-fertilization of sites’, which Ester Gallo comes up with, it suggests the opening of new questions, possibilities and important connections which can be perceived only when expanding, at the same time as bounding the field. She accentuates, that what is so particular about multi-sitedness “is the possibility it offers to interrogate the ‘site’ of research, not as a preconstituted dimension of social inquiry, but as relational process and methodological device” (ibid: 99).

Collaboration with the non-human world

The last article I chose for a closer discussion is Strong Collaboration as a Method of Multi-Sited Ethnography: On Mycorrhizal Relations (ibid: 197) by Matsutake Worlds Research Group (Timothy Choy, Lieba Faier, Michael Hathaway, Miyako Inoue, Shiho Satsuka, and Anna Tsing). I chose it because it is different both in its object of study and in its approach to multi-sited research.

(Image: Tomomarusan, Wikimedia Commons)

In their project the Matsutake Worlds Research Group follows a mushroom – matsutake – a highly sought after mycorrhizal mushroom that grows in Asia, Europe and North America and that is an important element of Japanese cuisine.

But this mushroom is not just something that is followed; it is literary taken seriously as a collaborator in their research and collaboration is thus turned into what is followed along with the mushroom. Not only does this article invite us in a world of strong collaboration between scientists and into what pros and cons such collaboration has, but also into a world of strong collaboration with the non-human world, discovering the various potential relationships with it.

The authors explore both the negative possibilities of collaboration, such as its at times even traitorous nature and positive possibilities and the question of why it is attractive to anthropologists. They urge the fieldworker to use his senses, to sensually immerse in the field.

“Taste, sight, sound, touch, smell, heat, body awareness, pain, anger, frustration, balance, weight, scope, acceleration, logic, instinct, hunger, belief. The senses we engage when we conduct fieldwork are nodal points between our ethnographic environments and us. Through them, we become ethnographers. Through them, our bodies become our research instruments” (ibid: 201).

As an example we can take the “chemical interactions, including smell” that “offer one register of relationality in which humans and non-humans, alike, can participate”.

Ethnographic echolocation

When discussing the strong collaboration between the researchers Lieba Faier uses the term ‘echolocation’, which is “an interactive sense that enables a creature to find its way by reaching out to other bodies with sounds that return to it transformed” (ibid: 202). She relates echolocation to the practice of strong collaboration and draws on a particular example in which more ethnographers engaged with the same matsutake wholesaler, but their depictions of him were radically different.

From this collaboration “a more multidimensional picture of him emerged than any single ethnographic perspective could have provided. Perhaps ethnographic echolocation is one of many new kinds of senses that can be cultivated through multi-sited, strong collaborations” (ibid: 202).

The idea of echolocation as another sense of the ethnographer might prove fruitful in the future, as well as the emphasis on strong collaboration. At the same time collaboration, even though conceptualized as a dialectical practice, may lead to conflicts and unintended power struggles, caused by the often not compatible views or perceptions of the situation and struggle for personal recognition.

At the same time let us listen to what Matsutake research group has to say:

“Why do ethnography? One reason is to spurn spectacular capitalism, which fills our screens with glamorous happy thin elites playing with their globally-standard expensive toys. The world – in its materiality and its diversity – is worth more than that, as ethnography can remind us. But anthropology too is full of glamour stars, all in rush to ‘brand’ their ideas and market their way to top. What might it take to build a slower, richer scholarship, in which we might connect with the living sensual textures of our still diverse world? Might strong collaboration help?” (ibid: 206).

I let everyone judge for themselves. But let me add one more quotation:

“Mushrooms remind us: We are all collaborators. Just because matsutake is not cultivated does not mean it does not collaborate with humans and other beings. Rather matsutake urges us: Strain to find lines of connection. Just as matsutake forms relations with host trees in its essential becoming, strong collaboration makes us remember that all becoming is relational. Taking non-humans – not just fungi but also trees, animals and climate – as collaborators stimulates surprise and wonder. Non-human forms of recognition are not our forms. Thus they open up the framework through which we appreciate relationality” (ibid: 211-2).

This article urges us to rethink our relationship with the non-human and to open ourselves to new ways of thinking and conceptualizing not only of the multi-sited research, but the world itself, as well as of our work in it as anthropologists and ethnographers. (see also their paper A new form of collaboration in cultural anthropology: Matsutake worlds (pdf))

This edited volume is a highly reflexive piece of work and, I believe, a must read for any specialist in anthropology, sociology, and development and migrations studies, or anyone dealing with the “multi-sited” in their research.

References:

Hage, G. 2005. A not-so multi-sited ethnography of a not-so imagined community. Anthropological Theory 5:4, 463-75.

Marcus, G. E. 1995. Ethnography in/of the World System: The Emergence of Multi-Sited Ethnography. Annual Review of Anthropology, 24, 95-117.

>> Information about the book by the publisher (Ashgate)

>> read the introduction by Mark-Anthony Falzon (pdf)

More reviews by Tereza Kuldova:

How the Ganges boatmen resist upper-caste and state domination

How neoliberalism reshapes motherhood in Calcutta

How Indissoluble is Hindu Marriage?

SEE ALSO:

Panic, joy and tears during fieldwork: Anthropology Matters 1/2007 about emotions

Open Source Fieldwork! Show how you work!

Going native – part of the darker arts of fieldworkers’ repertoir?

Collaborative Ethnography: Luke Eric Lassiter Receives Margaret Mead Anthropology Award

The Secret of Good Ethnographies – Engaging Anthropology Part III

Erkan Saka: Blogging as a Research Tool for Ethnographic Fieldwork

Henrik Sinding-Larsen: What happened to holism?

Tereza Kuldova has read another book for us: Multi-Sited Ethnography: Theory, Praxis and Locality in Contemporary Research, edited by Mark-Anthony Falzon. It consists of 14 articles. Tereza Kuldova is currently planning a “multi-sited” fieldwork and has picked four articles that…

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Antropress: For mer antropologi på blogger, YouTube og Twitter!

Den jevne antropologiske monografi har rundt 200 lesere. Antropologen Michael Wesch har derimot mer enn 7000 followers på Twitter og YouTube-videoene sine er biltt sett mange millioner ganger, påpeker Eivind Eggen i den nyeste utgaven av Antropress, tidsskriftet til antropologistudentene i Oslo.

Hvorfor publisere kun på papir når man kan nå flere mennesker på nett? Dette spørsmålet stilles av flere og flere antropologer internasjonalt. Nå også i Norge. “Jeg oppfordrer og utfordrer herved alle det måtte gjelde om å (som det så fint ble sagt) “be present in the social media”, skriver Eggen.

Han nevner flere eksempler på vellykket kunnskapsformidling på nett. Men til tross for at vitendeling og publisering aldri har vært så enkelt som nå, fortsetter de fleste antropologer å publisere i vanskelig tilgjengelige papirtidsskrifter. Dette gjør tilgangen til antropologisk kunnskap unødvendig vanskelig.

Eivind Eggen nevner et godt eksempel. Engang prøvde han å få tak i en artikkel av Christian Krohn-Hansen fra samme institutt som han selv. Det var langt mer komplisert enn å google:

I min søken etter en tilfeldig artikkel av Christian Krohn-Hansen måtte jeg kalle inn alle mine bibliotekarkunnskaper (noe som innebære å ringe en bekjent som er bibliotekar). Ja, den er publisert i Norsk antropologisk tidsskrift og jeg kan kjøpe den fra en database, men for en fattig student er 50 kroner for noen skarve sider ganske drøyt. Jeg kan låne utgivelsen på biblioteket eller lese den på internett når jeg er på Blindern, men ikke alle har denne muligheten.

Jeg vil ikke kritisere Krohn-Hansen her eller noen av dere andre, men trekke oppmerksomheten mot antropologer som har tatt saken i egne hender. Danah Boyd har på bloggen sin publisert alle artiklene hun har skrevet, og som nevnt blogger Michael Wesch og hans studenter om sin forskning.

>> les hele saken i Antropress

Antropologi på nett er også et tema i den nyeste utgaven av Kula Kula, tidsskriftet til antropologistudentene i Bergen. Karstein Noremark forklarer fordelene med å gjøre akademisk kunnskap gratis tilgjengelig på nett. Og i den nyeste utgaven av den lukkete papirpublikasjonen Norsk antropologisk tidsskrift argumenterer Frode Storaas for mer multimedia-antropologi på nett.

Snart arrangerer American Anthropological Association (AAA) sin årskonferanse. Den kommer sannsynligvis til å bli en av den mest omtalte antropologikonferansene noensinne. Vanligvis er konferanser en intern sak. Lite av det som blir sagt blir videreformidlet til offentligheten.

Les derimot dette innlegget på AAA sin blogg:

If you plan on blogging or tweeting the upcoming AAA annual meeting in Philadelphia, please email Brian Estes (bestes AT aaanet DOT org) with your name (optional) and a link to your site or twitter feed. In the interest of providing the most comprehensive meeting coverage possible–particularly for those who are unable to attend–we would be happy to link to your content, including session write-ups, event photos and more. Twitterers can use hashtag #AAA09 when posting meeting related content.

SE OGSÅ:

Michael Wesch: How collaborative technologies change scholarship

Frode Storaas: Derfor trenger vi multimedia-antropologi på nett

Hvordan lage et akademisk tidsskrift som appellerer til flere?

Forskere boikotter forlagene, vil ha gratis tilgang til forskning på nett

Conference Podcasting: Anthropologists thrilled to have their speeches recorded

Via YouTube: Anthropology students’ work draws more than a million viewers

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Thomas Hylland Eriksen: Antropologer må bli flinkere til å bruke nettet

Den jevne antropologiske monografi har rundt 200 lesere. Antropologen Michael Wesch har derimot mer enn 7000 followers på Twitter og YouTube-videoene sine er biltt sett mange millioner ganger, påpeker Eivind Eggen i den nyeste utgaven av Antropress, tidsskriftet til antropologistudentene…

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Michael Herzfeld: “Antropologi er en motvekt til nyliberalismen”

De fleste antropologer er lydige og godtar det nåværende nyliberale regimet på universitetene. Likevel ser antropolog Michael Herzfeld antropologien som en motvekt mot nyliberalismen, kan vi lese på hjemmesidene til Sosialantropologisk institutt (SAI) ved Universitetet i Oslo.

Den kjente antropologen fra Harvard holdt årets Eilert Sundt forelesning.

“Hvis nyliberalismen er å alltid sørge for individuell konkurranse, hvorfor er det da slik at den ikke lar den uavhengige tanken være i fred, men snarere legger universitetene i tvangstrøye”, spurte han og tenkte blant annet på tellekant-logikken. “Telling på universitetene betyr at man blir spurt om hvor mange bøker du har skrevet, ikke om kvaliteten de holder.”

Antropologien kan motarbeide dårlig telle-tenkning, sa han. Men samtidig har antropologien hatt problemer med å finne sin plass i offentligheten. Det er fagets egen feil, fordi man ofte skjule sine innsikter i en “helt fryktelig sjargong”.

Herzfeld mener at antropologien er spesielt godt egnet til å ta et oppgjør med nyliberalismen fordi faget “har tatt et oppgjør med sin koloniale fortid”. Men her tror jeg er han litt naiv, spesielt nå da flere og flere antropologer er engasjert i militærets tjeneste i Irak og Afghanistan og som spioner ellers rundt omkring i verden.

>> les hele saken på SAIs hjemmeside

Han har heller ikke bidratt særlig mye til den offentlige debatten, jeg har ikke funnet mye relatert stoff på nett bortsett fra en podcast fra University at Buffalo Law School som virker spennende: Michael Herzfeld on Anthropology, Bureaucracy and Gentrification in Rome and Bangkok

SE OGSÅ:

Nyliberalismen: “Hela vårt sätt att tänka har förändrats”

Antropologer kritiserer produksjonslogikken på universitetet

– Kvalitetsreformen truer antropologifaget

Neoliberal applied anthropology: Who owns the research — the anthropologist or the sponsor?

“Intolerant Universities”: Anthropology professor Chris Knight suspended over G20-activism

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Thomas Hylland Eriksen: Why anthropology fails to arouse interest among the public – Engaging Anthropology (2)

De fleste antropologer er lydige og godtar det nåværende nyliberale regimet på universitetene. Likevel ser antropolog Michael Herzfeld antropologien som en motvekt mot nyliberalismen, kan vi lese på hjemmesidene til Sosialantropologisk institutt (SAI) ved Universitetet i Oslo.

Den kjente antropologen fra…

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“Ja zu Sex mit Informanten”

“Don’t fuck the natives”, pflegt man unter Ethnologinnen zu sagen. Doch was tun, wenn man den Alltag von Menschen studiert, wo Sex eine wichtige Rolle spielt?

Die Woz besucht “ein ganz besonderes Ferienzentrum” in einem Nest im Elsass, wo sich “Radical Faeris” treffen. Das sind alternative Schwule – Schwule, die “abseits des homosexuellen Mainstreams sich selbst finden wollen”. Sie sehen sich, so die WoZ weiter, als “Gegenbewegung zur urbanen Schwulenszene, in der sich fast alles um Aussehen, schnellen Sex und Konsum dreht”.

Unter den Schwulen findet die WoZ-Journalistin Bettina Dyttrich auch Guillaume, einen 24jähren Ethnologen aus Paris, der seine Magisterarbeit über Radical Faeris schreibt.

Wir erfahren, dass er den Tag “am liebsten auf dem Sofa, an verschiedene Faeries gekuschelt” verbringt. Über das Thema Sex auf der Feldforschung habe er viel nachgedacht, lesen wir. Denn eigentlich sollte man das nicht tun. “Ich finde aber, es geht schon. Ohne unethisch zu sein”, sagt er zur WoZ.

Der Ethnologe hat zuvor neuheidnische Gruppen und moderne Hexen studiert.

>> weiter in der WoZ

Zum Thema gibt es offenbar nicht viel im Netz. Eine Ausnahme ist der Text Sex and the Ethnographic I in Reflexive Relationships: A Question of Ethics and Desire in Laurie Charles’ Intimate Colonialism von Michael Hemmingson.

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“Der geteilte Schmerz ist der Kern jeder teilnehmenden Beobachtung”

Sexual anthropologist explains how technology changes dating, love and relationships

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An anthropologist on sex, love and AIDS in a university campus in South Africa

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A subculture of hefty, hirsute gay men is attracting the attention of academics

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"Don't fuck the natives", pflegt man unter Ethnologinnen zu sagen. Doch was tun, wenn man den Alltag von Menschen studiert, wo Sex eine wichtige Rolle spielt?

Die Woz besucht "ein ganz besonderes Ferienzentrum" in einem Nest im Elsass, wo sich "Radical…

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Looking back at 10 years Public Anthropology online

What is public anthropology? Already in 1999, when he had started his Ph.D project, Martijn de Koning has made his first anthropology website. In a very interesting blog post with many links, he is looking back at 10 years public anthropology online:

In 1999, when I just had started my Ph.D project in Gouda, I had a fantastic idea. An idea so fantastic that in the next 10 years I would dedicate a huge amount of time to sustaining and developing it. Too much time perhaps because sometimes it destroyed my time to sleep. The idea was that I would launch a website about and for my research and that also dealt with all kinds of issues related to it.

He sees his current blog Closer as one of his contributions to a public anthropology. He discusses several examples of good public anthropology. Public anthropology is not only about reaching a broader public. It is not just about giving answers to questions the public has. Public anthropology means also questioning why particular issues are addressed in the way they are (f.ex debate about islam) and what the consequences of that are. What are the historical and cultural contexts? What is taken-for-granted and what does it mean?

Public anthropology is not the same as anthropology in public (interesting debate!). It is rather about making the work accessible to the wider public, including people anthropologists write about. “This means that anthropoligists should write better: clear and accessibly”, he writes:

Many people in my current research project have read my PhD thesis, there have been discussions about it in chatrooms in which I present for my current research and several people emailed me, contacted me in the chatrooms and on MSN wanting to discuss my book and the publicity about it. Opening up your research in fact already begins at the initial stage when you have to explain to your informants what you are doing and why you are there where they are.

In my experience, the conversations that follow from this are not only a good a way of improving your ‘translation’ skills but also provide relevant input for your research. The same can be said about the questions people asked after reading my book and articles. As good public science indeed can produce better social science because the public is allowed to question and test the hypothesis of the researcher and even the significance of the whole research.

Public anthropology should be multilingual. Martijn de Koning is therefore blogging in both Dutch and English:

The current development in social sciences that only writing in Anglo-Saxon journals is valued above anything else (or better, the rest doesn’t matter) could lead I’m afraid to a situation in which social sciences are not relevant anymore for native, non-English publics and render the cause for a public anthropology futile or even ridiculous.

Together with his colleague Henk Driessen he is going to organize an international workshop on anthropology and publicity in 2010.

>> read the whole post: Public Anthropology – 10 Years from Researchpages to Closer (1999/2000 – 2009/2010)

His anniversary might be an opportunity to remind of recent posts about Public Anthropology at Neuroanthropology.net, for example Top Ten Ways for Anthropologists to Make A Difference and Expanding the Top Ten Ways for Anthropologists to Make a Difference or Varieties of Public Anthropology.

Furthermore. Maximilian Forte has started a series of posts about “Zero Anthropology“, about “knowledge after anthropology” – posts that will bring his blog unfortunately to a close.

SEE ALSO:

Nancy Scheper-Hughes: Public anthropology through collaboration with journalists

Why anthropologists should become journalists

Marianne Gullestad and How to be a public intellectual

“Anthropology needs to engage in an activist way”

“Discuss politics!” – How anthropologists in Indonesia engage with the public

Why anthropology fails to arouse interest among the public – Engaging Anthropology (2)

2006 – The Year of Open Access Anthropology?

What is public anthropology? Already in 1999, when he had started his Ph.D project, Martijn de Koning has made his first anthropology website. In a very interesting blog post with many links, he is looking back at 10…

Read more