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Heidelberg: Kampf gegen Schliessung der Ethnologie-Bibliothek verloren

“Ethnologen kämpfen um ihre Bibliothek“, meldete die Rhein Neckar Zeitung im August. Nun meldet dieselbe Zeitung, dass die Ethnologen den Kampf verloren haben.

Mehr als 400 Unterschriften sammelte die Fachschaft für den Erhalt der Bibliothek. Doch das half nicht. Am 18. August erhielten die Studenten eine E-Mail, dass die Bücher ab sofort nicht mehr ausgeliehen werden könnten, da die Bibliothek im September schließe. Der “Mittelpunkt des Instituts”, der “zentrale Treffpunkt” existiert auf einmal nicht mehr.

Die Schließung der Institutsbibliothek sei jedoch kein Signal für das Ende der Ethnologie in Heidelberg, beteuert der Rektor. Das Gegenteil sei der Fall, das Fach werde künftig deutlich gestärkt. Im Rahmen des geisteswissenschaftlichen Exzellenzclusters “Asia and Europe” habe die Ethnologie sogar einen weiteren Lehrstuhl erhalten.

Der Bestand der Institutsbibliothek wird in die Unibibliothek uebergefuehrt. Damit sei bereits begonnen worden, so Fachreferentin Sabine Häußermann.

>> zum Bericht in der Rhein Neckar Zeitung

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Petition lanciert – Ethnologie in Heidelberg vor dem Aus?

“Ethnologen kämpfen um ihre Bibliothek“, meldete die Rhein Neckar Zeitung im August. Nun meldet dieselbe Zeitung, dass die Ethnologen den Kampf verloren haben.

Mehr als 400 Unterschriften sammelte die Fachschaft für den Erhalt der Bibliothek. Doch das half nicht. Am…

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– Skolens hvite middelklassenorm har skylda

I sju måneder har antropolog Laura Gilliam vært på feltarbeid på en skole i København. Doktoravhandlingen som hun leverte for to år siden har nå kommet ut som bok. Der viser hun at lærerne ubevisst bidrar til en dårligere integrasjon av elever med migrasjonsbakgrunn, melder Kristeligt Dagblad.

Lærerne priviligerte ubevisst de etnisk danske barn. Det skyldes ifølge antropologen skolens ideal for, hva et ordentligt menneske er. Og dette er et middelklassemenneske:

– Skolen har en middelklasse-norm for det ideal. Det gælder alt fra, hvordan man skal tale og omgås, til hvad der er den rigtige viden og det pæne sprog. Børn, der allerede lever op til de normer, får en meget positiv modtagelse i skolen – og det er typisk de danske børn. De etniske minoritetsbørn oplever omvendt igen og igen, at de bliver betragtet som de dårlige elever – den måde, de taler på, og det, de har at byde ind med, er ikke nok eller rigtigt i forhold til middelklassenormen, og derfor bliver de kritiseret.

Konsekvensen er at de etniske minoritetsbarn ikke føler seg som en del av skolens fellesskap og søker anerkjennelse andre steder – guttene gjerne i en opposjonell machokultur, sier hun.

>> les hele saken i Kristeligt Dagblad

Middelklasseidealet rammer ikke bare “etniske minoritetsbarn”, men også hvite arbeiderklassebarn. Dette aspektet påpekte hun også i intervjuer i forbindelse med sin doktoravhandling, se tidligere saker Doktoravhandling: Derfor lager de bråk og København: Diskriminering skaper brannstiftere

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I fulltekst på nett: Ny oppgave forklarer frafall i yrkesfag

I sju måneder har antropolog Laura Gilliam vært på feltarbeid på en skole i København. Doktoravhandlingen som hun leverte for to år siden har nå kommet ut som bok. Der viser hun at lærerne ubevisst bidrar til en dårligere integrasjon…

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How can anthropology help us understand Swat and Taliban?

The Swat Pathan have been the subject of classic ethnographies in anthropology for many years. Now they are at the centre of a bigger battle for control between Taliban, Pakistan, the U.S. etc. – a <a href="conflict that forced more than one million people to flee their homes.

What, if anything, can anthropologists contribute to understand and ameliorate the conflicts that rage in this region that in December 2008 was captured by the Taliban? In an interview with Gustaaf Houtman in the new issue of Anthropology Today, anthropologist Akbar Ahmed looks at the latest developments among the Swat Pathan.

He says, anthropologists can help in two ways – one of them is visiting Swat:

Anthropology can help on two levels. Anthropologists can use the internet, broadcast media and the press – and conferences – to argue for a strong, clean judicial and administrative structure in Swat. They can use their understanding of Swat social structure and history to explain why it collapsed and what can be done to replace it. They must not underestimate the power of outside comment on the bureaucrats and politicians of Islamabad. To their own home audiences, they can explain the significance of Swat in the larger context of Af-Pak (Afghanistan-Pakistan).

On another level, anthropologists can help by visiting Swat, in the safe areas of course, and arranging for colleagues and students to help in the reconstruction of the educational system. Girls’ schools in particular need to be rebuilt and then organized. A visit to Swat will thus not only provide moral satisfaction but also the promise of advancing anthropological knowledge of a fascinating area.

“Swat was an anthropologist’s paradise waiting to be discovered when Fredrik Barth first went there to conduct fieldwork in the 1950s”, he says. “It was a remote, tiny and scenic state up in the foothills of the Himalayas in north Pakistan”:

Here, the legendary Wali of Swat ruled over fiercely independent tribesmen who lived according to custom and tradition. Following his fieldwork, Barth wrote Political leadership among Swat Pathans (summary), published in 1959. In it he analysed the political alliances and networks around ‘the Pakhtun chief, with his following, and the Saint with his following’ (ibid.: 4). The book became an instant classic in the discipline and established Barth as a towering figure in it.

When Akbar Ahmed registered for a PhD in anthropology at the School of Oriental and African Studies in 1973 he read Barth’s work on Swat “with admiration”. But Barths “neat theoretical constructions” did not match the Swat society that he knew through his wife Zeenat, who was from Swat, so he went on to research and write Millennium and charisma among Pathans: A critical essay in social anthropology that was published in 1976.

Since then many articles and several books have been written about Swat. One of the two he mentions is written by a native female anthropologist of Swat Amineh Ahmed (his daughter actually). Her book “Sorrow and Joy among Muslim Women The Pukhtun’s of Northern Pakistan” gives us, he says, “fascinating insights normally denied to men”.

How has Swat changed from the time of Barth, Gustaaf Houtman asks. Akbar Ahmed answers:

Barth wrote over half a century ago. Swat then had a clear-cut political structure in place: the central authority of the Wali in alliance with the powerful Khans. Religious clerics worked for the Wali in his mosques or were hired locally by the Khans. There was little challenge to the Wali’s rule. He could impose his will on the state. He introduced compulsory education for both boys and girls. He invited Catholic nuns to open a girls’ school and gave them protection. He encouraged archaeologists to come and dig for ancient Greek and Buddhist statues and stupas. The magnificent statue of Buddha at the entrance of Swat came to symbolize the spirit of the state and its ruler.

I was fortunate in having visited Swat during the rule of the Wali, after he was removed and after his death. Over the last few decades I have seen a steady decline. The Wali’s rule was replaced by officials of the government of Pakistan. Pakistani bureaucracy became increasingly known for its incompetence and corruption. A disputed case between two parties which would have normally taken a couple of hours in the Wali’s courts would now drag on for years. The Khans too began to leave Swat for the bigger cities of Pakistan. Absentee landlords soon found their authority challenged. Their relationship with their tenants began to break down.

Why could this happen. Into the vacuum created by the disappearance of the Wali and the fading of the Khans stepped the religious clerics, he explains:

Mullah Fazlullah grew in importance over the years and gained notoriety in Pakistan through his FM radio station: to Swatis he came to be known as ‘Radio Mullah’. He thundered against the corruption and incompetence of the administration. He incited tenants against the Khans and their un-Islamic ways. He said he would bring the Sharia or Islamic law which would ensure justice and law and order for ordinary people. Swatis flocked to the Mullah’s standard. Women gave him their jewellery, with prayers that he succeed in his mission.

The Taliban now saw Swat as a safe haven and flocked to it. They came from the tribal areas in Pakistan and beyond. Soon Swatis were getting a taste of life under the Taliban. Over 200 girls’ schools were closed. The Wali’s special projects, the convent and statue of Buddha at the entrance to the state, became targets for Taliban wrath. The Taliban now felt confident enough to march into neighbouring Buner. They were within striking distance of Islamabad, the capital of a nuclear state.

The Pakistani military was alarmed, as was the US administration. The Pakistani army launched a military operation and Washington promised financial and military aid. As a result almost the entire population of Swat fled to neighbouring districts in the south. Swat was then sealed off from the outside world and an ominous silence descended upon it. Reports suggested that Swat society was being turned upside down.

Swat has seen the dramatic decline and collapse of all the pillars of authority over the last decades. Today’s Swat has neither the authority of the Wali nor that of the central government that replaced it, nor of the Khans. The Taliban, who dominated Swat for a few months, giving a taste of their brutal administration, have also been toppled. The only authority in Swat today is the army. There are already rumours of mass graves and extra-judicial killings in Swat. Some blame the Taliban, others the army. Neither is popular.

This is only an excerpt of the interview. Unfortunately it is available online for subscribers only. Just found out (via media/anthropology) that it is a free article. Read Swat in the eye of the storm: Interview with Akbar Ahmed here (pdf).

Anthropology Today has by the way started up at forum for readers and authors at http://anthropologytoday.ning.com/ And the Swat Pathans have their own Facebook group – a global network “to unite against the stereotypical portrayal of Swatian and to let the world know the true beauty and harmony of the people and area”.

Akbar Ahmed is an active blogger. He runs his own blog called Latest News and Commentary by Akbar Ahmed and has also started a (group) blog about his recent project Journey Into America, a new book and film, an anthropological study of American identity as seen through the eyes of Americans – both Muslim and non-­ Muslim (is also reviewed in Anthropology Today).

In my archive, I found also an interview with anthropologist Saadia Toor about the situation in Swat.

SEE ALSO:

Back from Lahore: Terror and Open Access

Anthropological activism in Pakistan with lullabies

Akbar Ahmed’s anthropological excursion into Islam

The Swat Pathan have been the subject of classic ethnographies in anthropology for many years. Now they are at the centre of a bigger battle for control between Taliban, Pakistan, the U.S. etc. - a <a href="conflict that forced more…

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Correction (and Update): “Army-Anthropologists don’t call Afghans “Savages”

My most recent post Army-Anthropologists call Afghans “Savages” received a lot attention, so it might be necessary to write a new post after the debates in the comment field and via email.

It seems that the Sydney Morning Herald reporter misunderstood. The part about the The Zadran who are called “utter savages” and “great robbers” who live in a country that was “a refuge for bad characters” is not written by contemporary Human Terrain Team (HTT) army anthropologists. The quote is 90 years old!

As I was told, the HTT-report was quoting an old British ethnography “to highlight the terrible quality of historical documents on the area”.

If you google “Zadran” and “utter savages”, Google Book Search directs you to ‪Historical and political gazetteer of Afghanistan ‎Volume 6
by India. Army. General Staff Branch, Ludwig W. Adamec (1985).

Adamec compiled his data from a 1919 British ethnographic survey.

The HTT-report quoted this book extensively – but as I was told – in order to question such notions as the Zadrans as savages.

I hope this is correct. For there are other researchers who use the same sources less critically.

Googling “Zadran” and “Savages” directed me also a a kind of fact sheet about the Zadranby the Program for Culture and Conflict Studies, Naval Postgraduate School that states:

They are probably a very small tribe living in very small villages; some of them cultivate the little land they have, but they appear chiefly to depend on their flocks for subsistence. They live, some in houses and some in tents. It was said that they are “great robbers”, and their country was formerly refuge for “bad characters”.

Here, these 90 years old characteristics are presented as facts.

What kind of institution is the Program for Culture and Conflict Studies?

Here is an extract from their self-description:

The Program for Culture & Conflict Studies (CCS) conducts research in support of United States initiatives in Afghanistan.  Our research provides comprehensive assessments of provincial and district tribal and clan networks in Afghanistan, anthropological assessments of Afghan villages, and assessments of the operational culture of Afghan districts and villages. 

(But although they conduct “anthropological studies, none of their researchers seems to be an anthropologist)

Then I stumpled upon a comment by a former army HTS-anthropologist researcher in Afghanistan on the Open Anthropology blog. He writes:

“These insurgents are throwbacks to the Stone Age with very different ideas and convictions than we have. (…) Want to talk to them about gay rights, women’s rights, democracy, live and let live, respect for the rights of others, etc. with these insurgents? Go ahead!”

Maximilian Forte, editor of Open Anthropology, comments:

One of the things achieved by the new imperialism is an ideological expansion: the high civilizations and monotheistic religions, such as those of Islam, were the focus of Orientalism in the 1800s and much of the 1900s. So called “primitive tribes” were a concern of the kind of Savagism at the heart of early anthropology. What statements like yours do is to combine/confuse the two, and that is novel. Now there are no other civilizations, no competing ideas of complex society, it’s just “us” and the rest are “savages.”

There we have the term again! Savages!

UPDATE: I’ve found the book in question – the Historical and Political Gazetteer of Afghanistan, Volume 6, in our library and found out that the quote about those “utter savages” is even older. The book refers to Mountstuart Elphinstone, who lived between 1779 and 1859 and later became the Governor of Bombay. The whole quote goes like this:

Elphinstone says their manners etc resemble the Wazirs, and Broadfoot, those of the Kharotis, from which we must infer that they are utter savages, and, as Elphinstone says more like mountain bears than men.

According to the Gazeteer of Afghanistan, the Zadran “are of no importance whatever, and only in the case of the Dawar route being used to Ghazni…”.

And here from the preface of the 1985 version som general information about the Gazetteer of Afghanistan:

This work is based largely on material collected by the British Indian Government and its agencies since the early 19th century. In an age of Imperalism, Afghanistan became important as the “Gateway to India” and an area of dispute between the British and Russian empires. It is therefore not surprising that much effort was expended by various branches of the British Indian government to amass information regarding the country’s topography, tribal composition, climate, economy, and internal politics.

Thus, an effort which began with military considerations in mind has now been expanded and updated with maps and data complied by both Western and Afghan scholarship to serve the non-political purpose of providing a comprehensive reference work on Afghanistan.

SEE ALSO:

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Sheds light on the collaboration between science and colonial administration in Naga ethnography

Jack Goody: “The West has never been superior”

Cooperation between the Pentagon and anthropologists a fiasco?

Anthropology and CIA: “We need more awareness of the political nature and uses of our work”

Military spies invade anthropology conferences?

The dangerous militarisation of anthropology

My most recent post Army-Anthropologists call Afghans "Savages" received a lot attention, so it might be necessary to write a new post after the debates in the comment field and via email.

It seems that the Sydney Morning Herald reporter…

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33. Jahrestagung der Deutschen Gesellschaft für Völkerkunde

30.9-3.10.09 Frankfurt am Main

Die DGV-Tagung 2009 wird vom 30. September bis zum 03. Oktober 2009 unter dem Titel “Kulturelle Aneignungen: Anpassung – Anverwandlung – Camouflage” an der Goethe Universität Frankfurt a. M. in Kooperation mit dem Frobenius Institut und dem Institut für Ethnologie statt finden.

Während ältere ethnologische Ansätze vorrangig an den Formen des Widerstands gegen kulturelle Außeneinflüsse interessiert waren, rücken neuerdings Strategien der aktiven Auseinandersetzung mit den Herausforderungen der Globalisierung in den Fokus ethnographischer Forschung. Sie sollen auch im Mittelpunkt der kommenden DGV-Tagung zum Thema „Kulturelle Aneignungen“ stehen.

Unter Anverwandlung wird dabei der selektive Umgang mit Kulturimporten sowohl materieller als auch ideeller Art verstanden, die nicht einfach übernommen, sondern an tradierte Lebensformen adaptiert und mit alternierenden Bedeutungen versehen werden. Im Gegensatz zu diesen Formen kultureller Nostrifizierung erfolgt die Anpassung an dominierende Ordnungen als Bruch mit den eigenen Überlieferungen, der – sofern er scheitert – oft forcierte Retraditionalisierungsbemühungen zur Folge hat. Unter dem Begriff Camouflage schließlich lässt sich eine Strategie fassen, die sich den von außen erhobenen Forderungen nur scheinbar beugt, um damit Spielräume zur Verfolgung traditioneller Zielsetzungen zu schaffen.

Mehr Informationen: http://tagung2009.dgv-net.de/

30.9-3.10.09 Frankfurt am Main

Die DGV-Tagung 2009 wird vom 30. September bis zum 03. Oktober 2009 unter dem Titel "Kulturelle Aneignungen: Anpassung - Anverwandlung - Camouflage" an der Goethe Universität Frankfurt a. M. in Kooperation mit dem Frobenius Institut und…

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