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Reggae, Punk and Death Metal: An Ethnography from the unknown Bali

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“This is a break from the norm of writing about Bali”, writes Laura Noszlopy enthusiastically about a new book by anthropologist Emma Baulch called “Making scenes: reggae, punk, and death metal in 1990s Bali”.

In 1996, Emma Baulch went to live in Bali to do research on youth culture. She hang out in the death metal scene among unemployed university graduates clad in black T-shirts and ragged jeans; in the punk scene among young men sporting mohawks, leather jackets, and hefty jackboots; and among the remnants of the local reggae scene in Kuta Beach, the island’s most renowned tourist area.

The scene that Baulch has accessed is a deliberately closed and marginalized one, though it is situated largely in Bali’s most ‘open’ places: Kuta and Denpasar. And it is a scene that anthropologists had overlooked or not have not been interested before according to Baulch.

Laura Noszlopy quotes the author who writes that sidewalks of Kuta she entered in 1996 were

… a gaping frontier land of which anthropology rarely spoke … they raged with charged encounters between tourists and street-side watch sellers, drug dealers, drivers, pimps, and whores … punk jams chafed against the pop soundscape emanating from the Hard Rock Café across the road. Mohawks, feigned brawls, Bad Religion, metal spikes, hefty jackboots, and leather jackets thrived (p. 1).

Noszlopy comments:

This is an image that may possibly be familiar to travellers who have stayed in Kuta, Bali’s largest resort. But is not one that is found in brochures or highlighted by Balinese cultural commentators, and neither is it one that anthropologists tend to write about

The book also explains the machinations of the various contesting groups within the scene(s):

This is fascinating stuff; I doubt that many observers of Balinese society, or Balinese themselves, will have any idea of the detailed differences and ‘othering’ that took place not from the perspective of counterculture juxtaposed against mainstream, but between the multiple shifting identities created amongst the various groups. And these, of course, ‘othered’ themselves against the reggae groups that played in tourist bars.

All, Baulch argues, are somehow part of a peripheral Balinese Other in a love-hate relationship with Jakarta’s Indonesian centre, rather than the predictable West. This rather radical and, to some traditionalists, surprising point that Balinese punk is somehow principally about Balineseness and regionalism recurs throughout the book.

“This is the kind of work about Bali that I would like to see more of”, Laura Noszlopy writes:

It is truly contemporary. It deals with the complexities of a set of subcultural groups juxtaposed against and yet parallel to the local and national hegemonies. It recognizes the particularities of these groups and many of the individuals who people them, rather than lumping them together as ‘youth culture’.

Baulch does not simplify the issues, avoid people’s chaotic agency, or seek neat conclusions. Her work seems to embrace the complexity of the process of making scenes in Bali. And it does all this while recognizing the global music scene and late capitalist cultural economy – what Appadurai called the ‘global modern’– of which it is also a small, but noisy, part. This is a refreshing change.

But the reviewer writes less enthusiastically about the language of the book (a well known problem in many ethnographies):

The main difficulty I found with the text, however, was the marrying of the sometimes opaque style of theoretical analysis with the much looser conversational mode of the ethnography. While consistently vibrant and entertaining, it was not always complementary. The mixed tone was also apparent across chapters.

The review appeared in the recent issue of Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute (subscription required)

But I found this text by Emma Baulch: Punks, rastas and headbangers: Bali’s Generation X (Inside Indonesia 48: Oct-Dec 1996)

Together with several other researchers, she has written Poverty and Digital Inclusion: Preliminary Findings of Finding a Voice Project

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"This is a break from the norm of writing about Bali", writes Laura Noszlopy enthusiastically about a new book by anthropologist Emma Baulch called "Making scenes: reggae, punk, and death metal in 1990s Bali".

In 1996, Emma Baulch went to…

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Anthronow – new magazine will make anthropology accessible to lay readers

logo (via somatosphere) “Other disciplines have a magazine for the general public. Why can’t we?” Now, we have it. The first issue of Anthronow is out. The editors Katherine McCaffrey, Emily Martin, Ida Susser, and Susan Harding (they’re all from American universities) write:

Other disciplines have a magazine for the general public. Why can’t we? Why can’t we have a “popular anthropology” magazine that would fill the gap between conventional news coverage of current events and topics and the more specialized analysis of similar events and topics in professional journals? If our scholarship were written in clear and accessible language and embellished with photographs and other visual materials, wouldn’t there be public interest in the ways that anthropological theory and research can inform and affect contemporary public discourse and public policy debates?

Anthropology Now’s mission is to make anthropological knowledge accessible to lay readers, and to enrich knowledge and debate in the public sphere. The magazine aims to reclaim a voice for anthropology in public debate, not by simplifying complex problems, but by conveying anthropological knowledge in clear and compelling prose. Anthropology Now will build on a growing commitment among anthropolo- gists to make our research findings open and accessible to the world outside of the confines of the academy.

It seems that there is both a paper and a webversion of Anthronow. All articles of the first issue are online. I hope they will continue to provide open access to future issues as well.

I havent’ had time to look at the articles yet. Have they succeeded in making anthropology accessible for the world outside of the universities?

>> visit Anthronow

PS: There is another “popular anthropology” magazine, not in the U.S, but in Germany. It’s called Journal Ethnologie. Are there more? Oh yes, maybe American Ethnography?

UPDATE: Debate about Anthronow and its future over at Savage Minds

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(via somatosphere) "Other disciplines have a magazine for the general public. Why can’t we?" Now, we have it. The first issue of Anthronow is out. The editors Katherine McCaffrey, Emily Martin, Ida Susser, and Susan Harding (they're all…

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Neue Ausgabe von Journal Ethnologie ueber Georgien

“Seltsames Gefühl. Seit Jahren bereiteten wir ein Forschungsprojekt zu Georgien vor. Nach vier Jahren reichten wir endlich den Projektantrag ein und zu unserer großen Freude wurde das Projekt bewilligt. Kurze Zeit später geht das Land, in dem wir forschen wollten, in Flammen auf. Es war der 8. August: Georgien überfiel Zchinwali in Südossetien und Russland überfiel Georgien.”

So beginnt der einleitende Artikel Georgien. Eine Annäherung von Stéphane Voell in der neuen Ausgabe von Journal Ethnologie zum Thema Georgien. Wir finden darin auch einen Text ueber „Meskhetische Türken“, die eigentlich so gar nicht genannt werden wollen. Ethnologin Natia Jalabadzewar entdeckte kulturelle Traditionen aus christlicher und vorchristlicher Zeit im Leben der Meskheter. Im Text Christen oder Muslime? „Meskhetische Türken“ in der georgischen Samtredia-Region erklaert sie die Hintergruende.

Ausserdem i dieser Ausgabe: Über Rituale, Weinkeller und den Fortschritt auf dem Land. Eine deutsch-georgische Exkursion nach Chewsuretien und Kachetien (Von Godula Kosack), Georgien – ein Land mit vielen Bevölkerungsgruppen (von Ulrike Krasberg) und Begegnungen im Kaukasus (von Elke Kamm)

In Georgien leben viele Bevoelkerungsgruppen. Das Land hat eine internationale Geschichte. Dennoch reden die Autoren meist ueber “ethnische Gruppen” als feste Einheiten. Den Eindruck hatte ich zumindest nach einem Ueberfliegen der Texte.

“Immer wieder marschierten Völker nach Georgien ein und teilten die Region unter sich auf. Durch die Jahrhunderte konnte – nach Meinung vieler Georgier – die nationale Identität aber erhalten bleiben”, schreibt Stéphane Voell. Doch ist es nicht eher so, dass nationale oder ethnische Identitaet erst in Abgrenzung zu anderen Gruppen entsteht?

"Seltsames Gefühl. Seit Jahren bereiteten wir ein Forschungsprojekt zu Georgien vor. Nach vier Jahren reichten wir endlich den Projektantrag ein und zu unserer großen Freude wurde das Projekt bewilligt. Kurze Zeit später geht das Land, in dem wir forschen wollten,…

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Widerlegen den Mythos vom “Zerfall der Grossfamilie”

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Dass sich die Familie als gesellschaftliche Institution in der Krise befindet oder gar vom Zerfall bedroht ist, wird zwar immer wieder behauptet, stimmt aber so nicht. Das zeigen drei neue Publikationen von Forschern an der Universität Wien, meldet der Informationsdienst der Österreichischen Katholischen Presseagentur KATHPRESS.

Einer der Publikation stammt von der Wiener Ethnologin Elisabeth Timm und ihrer Göttinger Kollegin Heidi Rosenbaum. In “Private Netzwerke im Wohlfahrtsstaat” schreiben sie dass die Großfamilie “nur für einen kurzen Moment in der Sozialgeschichte der Familie” existiert habe, die Kleinfamilie habe eine lange Tradition und sei keinesfalls eine “Erfindung der Moderne”.

Der Blick auf den Zusammenhalt der Generationen werde differenzierter, “wenn man nicht auf die Haushalte blickt, sondern die Beziehungen zwischen den Haushalten betrachtet”: Immerhin 70 Prozent der Kinder würden in räumlicher Nähe zu den Eltern wohnen, so Rosenbaum und Timm. Dies begünstige “intensive soziale Kontakte, aber auch Hilfe und Unterstützung”.

Warum funktioniert das Modell des Zusammenlebens von zwei oder drei Generationen aber noch immer? Der Hauptgrund dafür liegt in der Sicherheit, die “Familie” den Beteiligten bietet, sagt Heidi Rosenbaum in einem Interview mit dem ORF:

Dass 15- oder 16-Jährige, von denen man eigentlich annehmen sollte, dass sie in schwerer Konfrontation mit ihren Eltern stehen und von etwas anderem träumen, sich dennoch nach Familie sehnen, hat etwas mit einer beständigen Konstante zu tun: Jenseits allen Ärgers und Zoffs, den man mit seinen Eltern hat, weiß man, das man angenommen ist.

Ich will nicht idealisieren, aber: Wenn Familie gut läuft, und das tut sie in der Mehrzahl aller Fälle, dann bekommt man Verlässlichkeit, Zuwendung, Solidarität, alles Dinge, die einem als heranwachsender Mensch Sicherheit geben. Und von so einer Basis aus kann man agieren und – pathetisch gesagt – den Herausforderungen des Lebens begegnen.

Ich betone: wenn es gut läuft. Es gibt bedauerlicherweise sehr viele Fälle, wo es nicht gut läuft. Wenn Jugendliche in solchen Fällen noch immer an die Familie als Wichtigste glauben, dann ist das ein Ideal, das sie vielleicht aus der Lektüre haben oder durch andere Vorbilder. Sie hoffen, es für sich selbst mit einer eigenen Familie realisieren zu können.

Diese Sicherheit kann natuerlich auch in Freundschaften gesucht werden, doch Verwandtschaftsbeziehungen seien stabiler:

Es gibt sicher Phasen im Leben, wo Freunde wichtiger sind. Das ändert sich oft in dem Moment, wo man selber Kinder hat, und die Kinder ihre Großeltern brauchen. Nicht unbedingt als Hilfe in allen Lebenslagen, sondern wo man selber merkt, dass man in einer Generationenabfolge steht – als mittlere Generation.

Wenn man vorher keine gute Beziehung hatte zu den eigenen Eltern, verbessert sie sich dann oft. Vielleicht auch weil einem dämmert, was sie alles für einen getan haben, um selber groß zu werden.

Es gibt sicher Einzelfälle, bei denen Freundschaften auch halten, aber gerade in prekären Situation sind Verwandtschaftsbeziehungen sehr leistungsfähig und stabil. Das hängt natürlich immer von einem selbst ab, wie viel man selber in die Beziehungen investiert hat. Der Verpflichtungsgrad in der Familie ist aber generell sehr hoch. Im Gegensatz zu Freundschaften kann man Verwandtschaften nicht aufkündigen. Verwandt ist man immer.

>> weiter zum Interview beim ORF

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Dass sich die Familie als gesellschaftliche Institution in der Krise befindet oder gar vom Zerfall bedroht ist, wird zwar immer wieder behauptet, stimmt aber so nicht. Das zeigen drei neue Publikationen von Forschern an der Universität Wien, meldet der Informationsdienst…

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Thesis: The limits of youth activism in Afghanistan

What possiblities have Afghan youth to rebuild their country and to work for a better future? Which constraints do they meet? Anthropologist Elisabet Eikås has been on fieldwork among young people in Kabul from October 2003 to June 2004. The result is the thesis ‘It is open, but not so open’ – gaining access to participation among Kabuli youths.

Young people are often seen as agents of change. But they don’t act independently of the wider society. Eikås’ study provides an ambivalent picture of the young peoples’ possiblities.

There are lots of young people in different organisations who work for a better future. Many of them want to replace the political model of the elder and ethnicity & affiliation with a model based on equality: “All generations or sects should be involved in politics, everybody, every group should be represented in politics”, informant Amin said.

But the young peoples’ activism is a continuous struggle with the structures of the society.

A big problem for many young people is the strong position of the family. As the government is not able to provide satisfactory social services and security, the extended family is still regarded as the safety-net. The strong reciprocity of obligations and rights within the family is limiting the time young people can spend on political activism.

Eikås regards personal autonomy from the family as the main entrance to change.

Being in their 20s, the young activits are expected to marry – something that would mean further responsibilities and less time for political activities. Many informants try therefore to delay the time of marriage. One of her informants decided to move away from his family.

The tradition of respect of the elders was often mentioned as one of the major obstacles for the youths to contribute to society, this being in the family, at university, at work or in other social arenas, she writes. Patriarchy is not only concerned with male domination over females, but also dominance by seniors (“elders”) over juniors.

She describes a meeting with some board members in a youth organisation, when suddenly the leader of the organisation enters the room.

All stand up to greet him. (…) He sits down behind his 3X2 meter teak desk where there is a picture of himself, a framed table sign with his name and an Afghan flag. One of the others pours him a cup of tea and serves him. (…)

The feedback of the members to the leader, their behaviour towards him, shows similarities with how the youths describe the elders, or how the teachers at university expect to be treated. In the interaction with the regular members, the behaviour by the members are characterised by loyalty and respect towards the leader. They are hesitant to state critical comments, they usually wait for him to invite them to speak, and some of them to a certain degree expect the leader to have more knowledge and provide the answers.
(…)
The hierarchy within the youth organisations suggests that these organisations are not able to change the model of the elder for that of equality within their own organisations, and as such they alternate but still reproduce the patriarchy, however through a young leader

The most promising place for an alternative form of politics to evolve is the university. Despite the prohibition of political activities on campus enforced by the Ministry of Higher Education, student groups are established, and seminars, also concerning participation by students, are held, she writes.

At the university, students with diverse backgrounds, both ethnically, regionally and regarding gender, meet:

The proximity of these students, the diverse forums they meet in, in class, in the canteen (although that is segregated according to gender) and outside the classroom, builds the foundation for diverse networks to mingle and also the possibility of bridging networks to evolve, where their common status as students can be the main source of their solidarity.

The fact that they were able to arrange a seminar, where representatives from different student groups were gathered, further substantiates the potential, through co-operation, of a change in the political culture towards a more universalistic culture where equality between the different students can be the guiding principle.
(…)
On the other hand, there is also evidence that bonded loyalties prevail, also among the students. (S)ome students see their possibility of participation best secured through a bonding network adhering to particularistic values, whether this be family, kin, an external patron, political group or ethnicity.

Many problems are related to the long periods of war in Afghanistan. War leads to the breakdown of trust, and networks are usually narrowed:

My data seem to support Putnam’s understanding of trust to be developed through face-to- face contact, in lack of institutional trust, exemplified through how relations to political activities or aspirations only were discussed with ‘people one knows’. As such, Kabul University can be a promising place for increased trust to develop.

As I interpret much of the data in this thesis, I believe the lack of trust in the Afghan society, is one of the main reasons why both bonding networks and also patron- client relations prevail. It takes time to build trust in a population which has been at war. The people in Afghanistan have just started this process.

>> download the thesis

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What possiblities have Afghan youth to rebuild their country and to work for a better future? Which constraints do they meet? Anthropologist Elisabet Eikås has been on fieldwork among young people in Kabul from October 2003 to June…

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