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“Anthropology not less scientific than physics”

It might not be something new to us that anthropology is as scientific as physics. But it’s as Steve Gilday writes in the Cavalier Daily:

Most people make the strongest connections between science and subjects like physics, chemistry and biology. Anthropology is notably absent from that list.

But, he adds, that doesn’t make anthropology any less scientific. He gives us two nice quotes from an anthropologist and a physician:

Anthropologist Richard Handler says:

“Cultural Anthropology is a social science that systematically engages cultural worlds in order to learn about them. Using a Western definition of science, cultural anthropology is scientific in that it systematically creates and organizes empirical data, drawn from the anthropologist’s interactions with the people studied, and uses that data to attempt to answer fundamental questions about culture and human life. So for all the people who would just as soon get rid of anthropology, there are others who see it as a useful tool for understanding a global world.”

Physician Blaine Norum says:

“My principal field of study is nuclear physics, the study of the atomic nucleus, its properties, and its constituents. I think most people identify nuclear physics with its most visible applications: nuclear power and nuclear weapons. Fewer appreciate its role in cancer therapy, medical imaging, homeland security and a myriad of other spin-offs. Fewer still appreciate its role in understanding the behavior and evolution of stars and how the elements that comprise us and the universe formed in the beginning.”

Gilday concludes that “although nuclear physics and anthropology may seem completely unrelated, Norum’s view of science as a process parallels that of Handler”.

>> read the whole story: What is Science?

It might not be something new to us that anthropology is as scientific as physics. But it's as Steve Gilday writes in the Cavalier Daily:

Most people make the strongest connections between science and subjects like physics, chemistry and biology.…

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The city (long) before lunchtime

A friend of mine said that he’d like to leave a comment on my blog suggesting that my fieldwork could have benefited by some knowledge of what happens in the city before lunchtime. As I have in fact been out there many times before 12 o’clock, I have informed him that such a comment is totally ill-informed. Today I’ll even prove that I was out before dawn on a Saturday. (Since it’s in the middle of winter – and winter indeed, since emergency measures are put into action with Plan Grand Froid niveau 2 and alerte orange (in this country not concerning terror dangers, but exceptional snowfall) in half of France – dawn comes not too early).
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What did I find out? As I crossed the city between 8 and 9 o’clock in the morning, I had the chance to take a look at a few peculiarities of French society that I only had knowledge of from films and other secondary sources. For instance, there are people living and carrying out their daily life all over the city, even in the most touristy streets of the Latin Quarter (I know already that people live in the most touristy quarters of the Jewish area, which I’ve done myself). All along the way I saw locals joining their tiny Parisians dogs for a morning stroll, and there were even a man walking his unleashed brown and black lapdogs across Boulevard Saint Michel, where I really didn’t think there were any flats. (I’ve already become so accustomed to the clothes of the dogs that I have lost track of how usual dogcoates actually are, but I’m not sure if I can claim that a majority are wearing them despite the fact that we live under Plan Grand Froid niveau 2). Parents are bringing their children and even toddlers to primary and nursery school at dawn on a Saturday. And yes, there are really baskets with fresh croissants and pain au chocolat at the counter of most/all bistros (as I have seen on so many French films from all times). And many people do in fact have their breakfast in the local café perhaps at the corner. From the bus, I could see customers at the café tables engage in lively conversation long before 9 o’clock. And again, it happens all over the city, and I don’t know how early in the day they started this sociability.

This mix of habitable and commercial areas, of housing and public facilities, seem are more thorough in this city than other cities I know. It’s also something which separates Paris proper from some of its deprived banlieues, and which separates the 19th century cities from the modern style Le Corbusier suburbs… I don’t know too much about this yet, but it’s for sure something I’ll return to.

As I was one hour wrong about when the lecture I was going to this morning started, I had the chance to have a second breakfast – croissant beurre and café allongé – and see the bistro morning life from the inside. I found a very typical looking one run by two Chinese (one of them could have been an actor in a film by Wong Kar-Wai) just nearby the EHESS where the lecture would take place. (A lecture, by the way, on the social sciences and the crisis in the banlieues, which I will return to as well).

In the bistro, most people stand along the counter. Some, like the two young, green dressed street cleaners are following the lottery draw on a TV screen. (I’ve noticed that it’s common for the street cleaners and the postmen to drop by at a bistro and have a coffee by the bar on their morning round). Except from the white and native speaking street cleaners, there are two middle-aged men speaking Arab and two women and a man, all in their twenties, speaking Rumanian, I think (it sounds like a mix between a Slavic and a Latin language), and several French speakers. It’s so cold that people keep their overcoats and even woollen hats on, and none stay for long.

At half past nine, the bistro has quieted down. La grisaille du jour has settled, and it has become too unbearably cold to sit here.

At 10 o’clock, life has regained the daytime mode I know well: shops are opening and people – tourists and locals – are strolling along the streets. But a homeless man, just in his sleeping bag, outside a nearby school has not yet woken up. He’s obviously neither benefited from Plan Grand Froid (emergency housing for the homeless), nor from the tents distributed by “Doctors of the world” (with a little not saying, pertinently though sadly “each tent is a roof lacking”).

A friend of mine said that he’d like to leave a comment on my blog suggesting that my fieldwork could have benefited by some knowledge of what happens in the city before lunchtime. As I have in fact been out…

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Dissertation: Wie entwickelt sich eine Stammeskultur in der Stadt?

(via lightning.antville.org) Eine sehr schön geschriebene Geschichte in der taz über eine Ethnologin, die fuer ihre Doktorarbeit die Stammeskultur in Berliner Clubs erforscht. Das Thema: “alternative Technoszene”.

Anna Schöne steht allein an der Bar. Sie trägt eine modische Achtzigerjahrefrisur und ein ärmelloses, neonrosa Top mit russischen Sportabzeichen. Ihr Blick wandert langsam durch den Raum und streift jeden der Anwesenden. “Ich arbeite wie eine Kamera”, erklärt sie. “Ich versuche, erst einmal alles aufzunehmen.”

Anna Schöne ist Ethnologin.

Sie untersucht grundlegende Fragen zum Leben in der Stadt:

“Inwieweit lässt eine Stadt eine bestimmte Szene zu? Und inwieweit nimmt eine Szene die Gegebenheiten einer Stadt auf und entwickelt auch aus dem Ideellen, das wir mit einer Stadt verbinden, einen bestimmten Stil? Die Analyse der Szene als urbaner Akteur stellt bisher ein soziologisches Defizit dar.” Viel zu lange, glaubt sie, ist Subkultur als bloße Gegenkultur verstanden worden. “Das Spezifische an der Subkultur ist, dass sie das, was unsere Kultur ausmacht, bewusst macht, ausdrückt und in Begriffe und einen Stil bringt.”

taz-Autor Matthias Andreae beschreibt auch sehr schoen wie die Ethnologin – wie es sich gehoert – teilnehmend beobachtet. Zusehr? Sogar den Leitspruch “Don#t fuck the natives” fordert sie heraus.

Auch Schöne ist von den anderen Szenegängern auf der Tanzfläche kaum zu unterscheiden. Die langen dunkelbraunen Haare fallen ihr ins Gesicht. Sie reckt die geballte Faust in die Höhe und hüpft im Takt der Musik auf und ab. Mehr und mehr scheint sie selbst Teil dieser Welt zu werden.

Interessant ihre Einschaetzung von Ethnologen. Laesst sich das so verallgemeinern?

“Alle Ethnologen sind Ersatzabweichler. Sie fühlen sich zu exotischen Milieus hingezogen, ihnen fehlt aber der Mut, selbst einen solchen Lebensentwurf zu verwirklichen. Deshalb unternehmen sie nur Ausflüge mit Rückfahrkarte.”

>> zum Bericht in der taz: Die Argonauten des östlichen Berlins

PS: Erst als ich den Beitrag fertiggeschrieben hatte, bemerkt, dass der Text nicht gestern (27.1.), sondern bereits am 27.12.03 veroeffntlicht wurde. Ueber Anna Schöne ist merkwuerdigerweise seitdem nix im Netz erschienen

(via lightning.antville.org) Eine sehr schön geschriebene Geschichte in der taz über eine Ethnologin, die fuer ihre Doktorarbeit die Stammeskultur in Berliner Clubs erforscht. Das Thema: "alternative Technoszene".

Anna Schöne steht allein an der Bar. Sie trägt eine modische Achtzigerjahrefrisur…

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Proteste geplant: Zukunft der Ethnologie in München in Gefahr?

Die negativen Nachrichten ueber die Situation des Studienfachs Ethnologie reissen nicht ab:

“Vom Gelingen dieser Veranstaltung hängt die Entscheidung ab ob wir im nächsten Semester Ethnologie studieren können!”

Dies ist auf dem neuen Protestblog der Muenchner Ethnologiestudenten zu lesen. Hingewiesen wird auf die Veranstaltung Beruf Wissenschaft – Prekäre Karriere für die Elite-Universität? am Montag, den 06.02.2006, 18 Uhr, im Hörsaal M 109, Hauptgebäude, Universität München.

Im Flyer ist von miesen Arbeitsbedingungen fuer Lehrbeauftrage zu lesen, die offenbar nur für ein Taschengeld den Lehrbetrieb aufrechterhalten. Anhaltspunkte dafuer, dass das Ethnologiestudium gestrichen werden soll, sind jedoch nicht zu finden. Möglich ist jedoch ein Streik der Lehrbeauftragen, damit faellt der Grossteil des Unterrichts aus. Wir lesen:

Ein Großteil der Lehre im Grundstudium wird vor allem in den geistes- und sozialwissenschaftlichen Fächern von Lehrbeauftragten übernommen. (…). Trotz dieses Umstandes ist Vergütung von Lehraufträgen in der Regel minimal. Je nach Institut beträgt sie zwischen 0 und 400 Euro im Semester.

Die Folge: Viele Lehrbeauftragte sind dazu “gezwungen, sich mit
Gelegenheitsjobs über Wasser zu halten”. Damit bleibe ihnen nur wenig Zeit für ihre Forschungsarbeit und die Vorbereitung der von ihnen angebotenen Seminare.

Lehrbeauftrage scheinen die Underdogs der Uni zu sein:

“Lehraufträge sind per definitionem eine nebenberufliche Tätigkeit, sie umfassen keinen Arbeitsvertrag, keine Sozialversicherung, keine Vertretung in universitären Gremien. Gleichzeitig aber garantieren Lehrbeauftragte, dass die Lehre der universitären Institute auf dem neuesten wissenschaftlichen Stand ist. Obwohl sie als Experten wesentliche Stütze akademischer Lehr- und Ausbildungsqualität bilden, arbeiten sie gegenwärtig mehr oder minder zum Nulltarif.”

>> mehr Info zur Veranstaltung

>> Protestblog protest.today.net

SIEHE AUCH:

Kein Ethnologiestudium mehr an der Uni Göttingen

Studenten besetzen Universitätspräsidium in Göttingen – Sozialwissenschaften droht das Aus

Kein Platz mehr für Ethnologie: Uni Innsbruck stutzt “Orchideenfächer”

Protestblog und Bilder: Kollaps des Instituts für Sozialanthropologie in Wien

Ethnologie in Hamburg: Wird gestrichen weil unrentabel?

Die negativen Nachrichten ueber die Situation des Studienfachs Ethnologie reissen nicht ab:

"Vom Gelingen dieser Veranstaltung hängt die Entscheidung ab ob wir im nächsten Semester Ethnologie studieren können!"

Dies ist auf dem neuen Protestblog der Muenchner Ethnologiestudenten zu lesen. Hingewiesen…

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Success in publishing defined by quality? Anthropology Matters on “The Politics of Publishing”

The new issue of Anthropology Matters – one of the few anthropology online journals is out. The topic is “The Politics of publishing” – a topic that has been widely debated on anthropology blogs: Mostly, the internet was discussed as an alternative (or additional sphere) to publishing in journals because it’s easier and (generally) cheaper to share knowledge online.

The three papers on the culture, cosmology and social organisation of the publishing industry are fascinating reading. One of the main points are summed up in the introduction by Ian Harper and Rebecca Marsland. We often take for granted that only the best articles are published in academic journals. This is wrong, they argue. Success in publishing is not so much defined by academic quality, as your ability to network:

Access to publishing is highly dependent on personalized networks – a situation that can leave postgraduate anthropologists out in the cold. The chances of your paper being published are dictated by two or more peer reviewers, in a peer review process entangled in personal connections and agendas, and shrouded in personal opinion and perhaps some mysticism.

Therefore, Ronnie Frankenberg, tells in an interview, stressing the social aspects of publishing:

Publishing a paper requires the same kind of research as when you apply for a job actually. Then you would find out about the department, and the other people there, and what their interests are, and what they’ve done. You stand a much better chance of getting a paper published if you’ve read at least one issue of the journal, if you’ve looked at what the editor’s interests are, if you’ve looked on the internet at what the aims are.

And it’s of course important which journals you’re going to choose. There are hierarchies, dominated by the US publications. An anthropologist colleague who wanted to publish in a journal produced in Nepal was told by his supervisor not to waste his time, and to start thinking about publishing in serious journals, Harper and Marsland write ( >> read more on the experiences of running a journal in Nepal)

About the US, Daniel Miller writes:

The US system is heavily biased towards giving tenure to academics who have published in a few key journals rather than publishing per se. (…) With books the situation can be even worse. The same tenure system prioritizes certain publishers rather than others.

Additionally, the US system is “incredibly insular” according to Ronnie Frankenberg in an interview with Christine Barry:

I mean they are quite likely to publish articles from Eastern Europe and Latin America as a matter of principle, but unless a paper is by someone very famous from England or France it’s not going to be given very top priority.

So you mean even if it gets favourable reviews they still might not publish it.

Ronnie: Absolutely

Miller points in his paper Can’t publish and be damned to the issue of commercialisation of knowledge. He criticizes that “academic reputation has been outsourced to commercial interests”. The market is dominated by few publishers. The number of independent UK presses that twenty years ago published anthropology either no longer exist or have been bought out. He continues:

The problem is that there are far more manuscripts that can properly claim to be worth publishing on academic grounds than can be sold as commercial successes. Berg, as most presses today, including university presses, is essentially a commercial organization that survives only to the degree to which it remains profitable.

(…)

Some absolutely brilliant scholarly and wonderful books simply have not sold. There are plenty that are successful, but the evidence is that the sales often do not correlate with scholarly quality or originality. A textbook without much of either may outsell an exemplary monograph. So the bottom line is that there are many manuscripts that on academic grounds ought to be published but are not commercially viable, and that may include your intended masterpiece.

The response on the call for papers for this special edition on the politics of publishing was low, the editors write and wonder:

We pride ourselves on our disciplinary self-reflexivity, yet it is odd that these issues have not been unpacked more.

This reminds me of an earlier article by Kerim Friedman on Open Access Anthropology:

Concerns over the ethical dilemmas involved in producing knowledge about the “other” have, in the past few decades, radically changed how anthropologists conduct research and write ethnographies. Unfortunately, they have not changed how we publish. Do we want our intellectual contributions to be hidden in dusty archives, or available to anyone who can Google?

>> continue to Anthropology Matters 2/2005: The Politics of Publishing

SEE ALSO:

Open Access Anthropology – Debate about the Publishing Industry on Savage Mind

Open Source Anthropology : Are anthropologists serious about sharing knowledge?

Marshall Sahlins wants to make the Internet the new medium for pamphleteering

How can we create a more plural anthropological community?

More and more anthropologists, but they’re absent from public debates – “Engaging Anthropology” (1)

The new issue of Anthropology Matters - one of the few anthropology online journals is out. The topic is "The Politics of publishing" - a topic that has been widely debated on anthropology blogs: Mostly, the internet was discussed as…

Read more