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Das Alevitentum als Forschungsobjekt – Interview mit Ethnologen Martin Sökefeld

Die Aleviten bilden in der Türkei nach den sunnitischen Muslimen mit mindestens 15 bis 20 % der Bevölkerung die zweitgrößte Religionsgruppe. Sie hatten im Verlauf der letzten Jahrzehnte immer wieder Verfolgungen zu erdulden. Auch in Deutschland wohnen Aleviten.

1993 ist der Hamburger Ethnologe Martin Sökefeld zufaellig neben dem Alevitischen Kulturzentrum eingezogen. Seitdem interessiert er sich fuer das Alevitentum, erzaehlt er in einem Interview in der Istanbul Post:

Im Mai 1995 gab es dann das Massaker in Gazi, und daraufhin habe ich mich ausführlicher mit verschiedenen Mitgliedern des Zentrums unterhalten, um mehr über Aleviten zu erfahren. Ich war ziemlich beeindruckt davon, dass sich junge Aleviten sehr engagiert für das Alevitentum einsetzten und an allem Alevitischen sehr interessiert waren. Das war für die alevitischen Jugendlichen damals ja auch noch ziemlich neu, da die Aleviten erst wenige Jahre zuvor an die Öffentlichkeit getreten waren. Für mich als Ethnologen war das eine sehr interessante neue Identitätsbewegung, und langsam entstand die Idee, mich damit wissenschaftlich zu beschäftigen.

>> zum Interview in der Istanbul Post

>> Martin Sökefeld: Das Sivas-Massaker: Erinnerungskultur der Aleviten in Deutschland

>> Martin Sökefeld and Susanne Schwalgin: Institutions and their Agents in the Diaspora: A Comparison of Armenians in Athens and Alevis in Germany

Die Aleviten bilden in der Türkei nach den sunnitischen Muslimen mit mindestens 15 bis 20 % der Bevölkerung die zweitgrößte Religionsgruppe. Sie hatten im Verlauf der letzten Jahrzehnte immer wieder Verfolgungen zu erdulden. Auch in Deutschland wohnen Aleviten.

1993 ist…

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Bush, “war of terror” and the erosion of free academic speech: Challenges for anthropology

Dean Saitta (University of Denver) is one of the four anthropologists in David Horowitz’s book The Professors: The 101 most dangerous academics in America. The reason? His involvement in a debate on the erosion of free public and academic speech in the US.

In his guest editorial in the August edition of Anthropology Today, he describes the consequences of Bush’s “war on terror” for academics and calls for action: Anthropologists, he writes, “need to step up and engage in more and better conversations about the university’s status as a site of critical, creative and civically engaged inquiry”:

The subsequent declaration of a ‘war on terror’ and the passage of the Patriot Act have threatened the civil liberties of many citizens, and brought new fears of government intrusion into our lecture halls and seminar rooms. (…)

As US troops settled into Afghanistan and Iraq the campaign against the academy intensified. Aided and abetted by a resurgent conservative student activism on campus, this campaign accuses the American professoriate of harbouring a pervasive and long-standing liberal bias – with ‘liberal’ variously understood as leftist, Marxist and anti-American.

The campaign’s single most militant crusader, Saitta writes, is David Horowitz. He is a source of advice on political strategy for the Bush administration. Since 2003, Horowitz’ organization Students for Academic Freedom (SAF) has mobilized conservative students and politicians in 20 states to propose an ‘Academic Bill of Rights’ (ABOR) for state-supported institutions. This bill is according to Saitta “clearly aimed at critics of President Bush and the war in Iraq”.

In his book The professors:The 101 most dangerous academics in America (published in february 2006), Horowitz reveals the pervasive ‘intellectual corruption’ of the American university by providing an alphabetized list of “some of the worst violators of professional obligations and standards”.

Four anthropologists are included. As Savage Minds already has noted, Diane Nelson of Duke University is another “dangerous” anthropology professor.

Many more anthropologists could have been included, Saitta stresses:

Horowitz has indicated in several of his writings and interviews that anthropology is one of the more intellectually corrupt disciplines within the social sciences (…), fraught with political correctness and partisanship.

All academics should be concerned about Horowitz’ crusade, he argues. It seems that a large part of the American public agrees with Horowitz in some way. The American public has – as a recent survey reveals – very strange understandings of what the university is and does:

Nearly 70% believe the university should, as its primary function, provide job training rather than cultivate critical thinking. Over 60% believe that professors should be fired for associating with ‘radical’ political organizations. Over 50% think that too much scholarly research today is irrelevant to the needs of society. Finally, nearly 40% believe that the political bias of professors is a serious problem on campus.

Therefore, American anthropologists are faced with at least three major challenges in Saittas opinion:

First, we need to demonstrate that (…) our obligation as university faculty is to teach a breadth of ideas, critically examine their social causes and consequences, boldly experiment with new ones and, from time to time, actively champion particular ideas that can advance what we know and change for the better (whatever we take ‘better’ to mean) how we live. If we make some of our publics uncomfortable in the process, then we’re probably doing something right.

(…)

The second challenge is to better justify and develop the sort of engaged pedagogy and scholarship that landed many of us on the ‘dangerous 101’ list. Horowitz’ model of appropriate pedagogy is hierarchical and elitist. It evokes an image of tweedy professors filling up empty-headed and easily indoctrinable students with what is presumed to be disinterested, value-free knowledge. (…) Significant research in higher education over the past several decades has shown (…) the utility of more philosophically self-conscious and collaborative approaches for cultivating critical powers of mind.

(…)

The third challenge is to show how anthropology’s unique ‘deep time’, cross-cultural and bio-behavioural understanding of the human condition can enrich the entire academic curriculum and inform wider public discourse. (…) [B]ecause of the qualities identified above, anthropology should be the linchpin of a liberal arts education and any truly informed approach to policy-making in a globalizing world.(…)
Anthropology’s particularist conversation about human rights (…) provides a useful counterpoint to the universalist rights conversations of other disciplines.

>> read the whole text: Higher education and the dangerous professor: Challenges for anthropology (760kb, pdf – published on his homepage)

Saitta and many other ‘dangerous professors’ have stepped up to challenge the errors in Horowitz’ book, and to clarify what academia is about and set up two websites and blogs: www.teachersfordemocracy.org/ and www.freeexchangeoncampus.org .

Dean J. Saitta has by the way an excellent homepage with lots of articles.

SEE ALSO:

Engaged anthropologists beaten by the Mexican police

Censorship of research in the USA: Iranians not allowed to publish papers

“Tribal Iraq Society” – Anthropologists engaged for US war in Iraq

“War on terror”: CIA sponsers anthropologists to gather sensitive information

Dean Saitta (University of Denver) is one of the four anthropologists in David Horowitz’s book The Professors: The 101 most dangerous academics in America. The reason? His involvement in a debate on the erosion of free public and academic speech…

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Thomas Hylland Eriksen: Hva er årsaken til raseriet over Gaarders Israel kritikk?

Er det ikke greit å kritisere et land som rutinemessig slipper bomber på sivilbefolkning, fordriver naboer for å sikre seg mer jord og vann, og som har utviklet et kontrollsystem verdig et totalitært regime, spør Thomas Hylland Eriksen i et innlegg i Aftenposten der han prøver å forstå de “overraskende sterke reaksjoner” på Jostein Gaarders kronikk om Israel:

Hva er så årsaken til raseriet hos mange av dem som har svart Jostein Gaarder? (…) Er det skammen etter annen verdenskrig som fremdeles gjør det vanskelig å kritisere en jødisk stat? (I så fall kan tutsiene gjøre hva de vil med hutuene i fremtiden, bare for å nevne ett eksempel.) Er det en forestilling om at israelerne er “våre gutter”, mens Hizballah og Hamas er “de andre”? Israel er jo nærmest blitt adoptert som et europeisk land i eksil, og deltar bl.a. i Eurosong (“Melodi Grand Prix”) og europacupene i fotball.

Jeg har ikke svaret, men man kan ikke fri meg fra tanken om at dersom muslimske regimer hadde hatt like ivrige norske forsvarere som det israelske, ville norsk utenrikspolitikk har sett nokså annerledes ut.

Jostein Gaarders kronikk uttrykte en fortvilelse og avmektighet som deles av humanister verden over, skriver han og slutter med følgende ord:

[Det er] gode grunner til å slutte seg til Jostein Gaarders syn om at hvis vi klarte oss uten Outspan-druer på åttitallet, skal vi saktens klare oss uten Jaffa-appelsiner i dag også.

>> Thomas Hylland Eriksens kronikk i Aftenposten: Den vanskelige kritikken

>> Jostein Gaarders kronikk: Guds utvalgte folk

>> hele Gaarder debatten i Aftenposten

SE OGSÅ:

Anthropologists on the Israel-Lebanon conflict

Intervju med Robert Fisk: Mediene forvandler palestinerne til irrasjonelle voldsutøvere (Klassekampen, 29.7.06)

Frilansjournalisten Hanin Shakrah blogger direkte fra Libanon

Er det ikke greit å kritisere et land som rutinemessig slipper bomber på sivilbefolkning, fordriver naboer for å sikre seg mer jord og vann, og som har utviklet et kontrollsystem verdig et totalitært regime, spør Thomas Hylland Eriksen i et…

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Interview with Arjun Appadurai: "An increasing and irrational fear of the minorities"

Fear of Small Numbers, the new book by Mumbai-born anthropologist Arjun Appadurai has received attention across America. He discusses why, in the age of globalisation, opening of markets, free flow of capital and liberal ideas, minorities in many countriesare facing greater hostilities than ever before.

In an interview with Rediff, he argues for “moving away from national loyalties towards urban and metropolitan loyalties, which put a premium on active tolerance and deliberate cosmopolitanism”.

He explains:

One of the basic arguments of the book is that the idea of a majority can create uncertainty about the primary identity of a nation. In the book, I call this the anxiety of incompleteness.

What I mean is that in every nation State without exception, somewhere beneath the surface is the idea that a nation is composed of a single ethnic substance, some kind of ethnic purity — and the idea of ethnic purity leads to the feeling that only people belonging to that ethnicity should be full citizens in that State.

And in a society like India, this is a huge problem because a certain group, in this case the Hindus, can view themselves as almost completely defining India but not totally. The problem — the incompleteness — is due to the presence of other groups, whether you call them minorities or strangers or guests or visitors.

Every Hindu Indian recognises that the land is not completely Hindu. In the book, I argue that this sense of incomplete purity does not necessarily lead to an effort to obliterate the minorities. But in many circumstances, it can lead to that. And we have seen increasing efforts in some parts of India, Gujarat in particular, to obliterate the minorities.

Thinking in the categories minority and majority is something new according to the anthropologist:

I have been interested in census statistics, how populations are actually enumerated. Apart from the question of being weak or subordinate, official enumeration is one of the ways minorities are created in the modern world.

The point here is that the idea of minority and majority was not always a part of human society. Human societies always had different groups; some were larger and some smaller; but the twin categories of minority and majority are modern phenomena.

For him as an anthropologist, he says, it is “painfully obvious that it has become culturally respectable to run down and suspect the Muslim community.”

The fear of the minorities is in his opinion “irrational”:

I believe that the radical, terrorist voices one hears in the Muslim communities in India are few and small. The average Muslim in India today has this request to the majority community: Give us the room to survive. Muslims in rural and urban India are not thinking of taking over India, but are asking whether they can live there at all.

>> read part 1 of the interview with Arjun Appadurai: The average Indian Muslim wants room to survive

>> part 2 of the interview: Indian society is still interdependent

>> review by Jeremy Ballenger: “A considered, fascinating and somewhat disturbing look at the ‘other side’ of globalisation”

SEE ALSO:

For an Anthropology of Cosmopolitanism

Interview with Benedict Anderson: “I like nationalism’s utopian elements”

“Anthropologists Should Participate in the Current Immigration Debate”

Fear of Small Numbers, the new book by Mumbai-born anthropologist Arjun Appadurai has received attention across America. He discusses why, in the age of globalisation, opening of markets, free flow of capital and liberal ideas, minorities in many countriesare facing…

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Romantisierungen am “Internationalen Tag der indigenen Völker”

(via ethno::log) Zum Internationalen Tag der indigenen Völker am 9.August schlaegt die Gesellschaft für bedrohte Völker (GfbV) Alarm: “Ureinwohner weltweit zunehmend an den Rand der Existenz gedrängt” – von Bergbauunternehmen, Ölkonzernen oder Holzfirmen. Gleichzeitig haben die Repräsentanten der indigenen Völker auf internationalem Parkett “erste Erfolge” beim Kampf um ihre Rechte erringen können.

Wie oft in Berichten ueber “indigene Voelker”, ist eine Prise Romantik dabei. Ihre Bilanz zur Situation der Indigenen Völker der Welt leitet die Organisation mit diesen Worten ein:

Indigene Völker sind die Hüter der kulturellen Vielfalt der Erde. Ihr Reichtum sind ihre vielen Sprachen und Kulturen, die Weisheit ihrer Religionen und ihres Umgangs mit der Natur.

Interessanter ist daher der Bericht im Tagesspiegel Sie waren immer schon da. Waehrend der Zustandsbericht der GfbV einer Beschreibung aussterbender Tierarten gleicht, hebt Tagesspiegel-Autorin Sandra Weiss die massiven Aenderungen der letzten Jahre hervor und kritisiert die “romantischen Vorstellungen des Westens”, nach denen indigene Voelker “friedfertig, schutz- und hilflos sind und [dass] ihre Existenz nur mit Hilfe westlicher Menschenrechtsorganisationen erhalten werden kann”:

Als 1992 auf dem Subkontinent die 500-Jahrfeier der „Entdeckung Amerikas“ durch Kolumbus gefeiert wurde, war den Ureinwohnern in gewohnter Manier nur eine Statistenrolle zugedacht worden. (…) 14 Jahre später hat sich das Bild gewandelt. Die Ureinwohner sind allenthalben auf dem Vormarsch und fordern lautstark ihre Rechte ein. Sei es in Ecuador, wo sie im Januar 2000 den Rücktritt eines Präsidenten erzwangen, eine eigene Partei namens Pachakutik gründeten, eine Zeit lang sogar zwei Minister stellten und dieses Jahr mit einem eigenen Kandidaten für die Präsidentschaftswahl antreten. (…)

Oder natürlich der bolivianische Staatschef Evo Morales. Der von Aymara und Quechua-Indianern abstammende ehemalige Kokabauer marschierte innerhalb weniger Jahre durch alle Instanzen, stürzte zwei Regierungen, war der Abgeordnete mit den meisten Stimmen und errang vergangenen Dezember die absolute Mehrheit bei der Präsidentschaftswahl.

>> zum Artikel im Tagesspiegel

SIEHE AUCH:

An historic day: Saturday, 1 July 2006 was an historic day for all indigenous peoples, for it meant that the Norwegian state no longer owned Finnmark. (Saami Radio, 12.7.06)

Interview with Sámi musician Mari Boine: Dreams about a world without borders

What is controversial about “Evo”? He’s indigenous, a socialist, and emerged as a political leader in coca-growing unions (Savage Minds, 19.12.05)

“Leben wie in der Steinzeit” – So verbreiten Ethnologen Vorurteile ueber indigene Voelker

Die SZ und die Ureinwohner: Gestrandet im vorsintflutlichen Evolutionismus

How internet changes the life among the First Nations in Canada

Indigenous not always “victims of economic globalisation” – Alex Golubs dissertation on mining and indigenous people

Indigenous Russians Unite Against Oil and Gas Development

The Construction of Indigenous Culture by Anthropologists

Native Rights Issues: Anthropologists under attack

Ethnic hybridity within identity politics: Thesis on Being A Nobel Savage in Brazil

(via ethno::log) Zum Internationalen Tag der indigenen Völker am 9.August schlaegt die Gesellschaft für bedrohte Völker (GfbV) Alarm: "Ureinwohner weltweit zunehmend an den Rand der Existenz gedrängt" - von Bergbauunternehmen, Ölkonzernen oder Holzfirmen. Gleichzeitig haben die Repräsentanten der…

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