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New fieldwork blog: Struggling with antipathy for the field and “anthropology-fed-up-ness”

Norwegian anthropologist Jon Henrik Ziegler Remme has started blogging. He is currently on fieldwork in the Philippines among the Pentecostal Christians in Ifugao.

In his first two posts of his blog Jon Henrik in Ifugao, he describes parts of the fieldwork process that are familiar for most anthropologists but that rarely make it into papers or monograps: “anthropology-fed-up-ness” and antipathy for the field.

“Back in Ifugao, the first thing that struck me was that I was already tired of being here”, he writes in his first post Chasing Ifugao Christians with a lack of motivation….

“One of the main impressions I had of my previous fieldwork was that this type of research is very inefficient. (…) Today I had such an experience again”, he writes in his second post When the time is right…

>> visit Jon Henrik Ziegler Remme’s blog

For information on his first research project, see the project website.

SEE ALSO:

On fieldwork: “Blogging sharpens the attention”

Paper by Erkan Saka: Blogging as a Research Tool for Ethnographic Fieldwork

antropologi.info survey: Six anthropologists on Anthropology and Internet

Anthropology blogs

Norwegian anthropologist Jon Henrik Ziegler Remme has started blogging. He is currently on fieldwork in the Philippines among the Pentecostal Christians in Ifugao.

In his first two posts of his blog Jon Henrik in Ifugao, he describes parts of…

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Why is anthropological writing so boring? New issue of Anthropology Matters

Writing Up and Feeling Down is the topic of the new issue of the Anthropology Matters Journal. The articles outline the challenges involved when moving from fieldwork to writing, when trying to draw an argument out of unwieldy case studies, when you are told that your writing is not academic enough – or when you suddenly face the dangers of writing for a non-academic audience.

Ingie Hovland writes in her introduction:

The first thing that strikes many PhD students when they sit down to start writing up is that there is a strong tension between the very ‘lively’ experiences of fieldwork and the ‘deadening’ process of writing them down afterwards. In the words of one apocryphal PhD student, captured by Jean-Paul Dumont (1978:6): ‘How is the writing going?’ – ‘Oh it should move along quite well, once I get through beating the life out of my material…’

(…)

Anthropology departments try to prepare their PhD students for the intensity of fieldwork, but they come nowhere close to preparing the students for the intense emotions that writing triggers – such as anxiety, loss of self-confidence, and anger, to name but a few – or how to deal with these.

Given the way things are set up, it is perhaps not surprising that the result is, as Mary Louise Pratt (1986:33) notes, that,

For the lay person, such as myself, the main evidence of a problem is the simple fact that ethnographic writing tends to be surprisingly boring. How, one asks constantly, could such interesting people doing such interesting things produce such dull books? What did they have to do to themselves?

>> read the whole introduction

In Anthropology Matters, Melania Calestani, Ioannis Kyriakakis and Nico Tassi recount a part of their own process of being disciplined into what and how to write and not to write in order for their work to be deemed ‘anthropological’.

>> read “Three narratives of anthropological engagement”

Harriet Matsaert, Zahir Ahmed, Faruqe Hussain and Noushin Islam explore expectations and pressures that suddenly and without warning make themselves known if you are one of those anthropologists trying to write for a non-academic (or even just non-anthropological) audience.

>> read “The dangers of writing up: a cautionary tale from Bangladesh”

Paul O’Hare reflects upon his doctoral thesis write-up, and in particular, the writing up of his empirical work. Writing up is not simply a matter of reporting how we “did” the research.

>> read “Getting down to writing up: navigating from the field to the desk and the (re)presentation of fieldwork”

The final contribution to this issue presents new research from Meher Varma about transnational call centres in India’. Her article examines the increasing presence of North American call centres in Bangalore and Delhi and analyses the ways in which these products of transnationalism have impacted notions of Indian national identity.

>> read “India wiring out: ethnographic reflections from two transnational call centres in India”

SEE ALSO:

Six reasons for bad academic writing

The Secret of Good Ethnographies – Engaging Anthropology Part III

Thomas Hylland Eriksen (Savage Minds): What is good anthropological writing?

How To Present A Paper – or Can Anthropologists Talk? A wishlist

Writing Up and Feeling Down is the topic of the new issue of the Anthropology Matters Journal. The articles outline the challenges involved when moving from fieldwork to writing, when trying to draw an argument out of unwieldy case studies,…

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When Norwegians do business in Brazil, Lowrider Culture and 9 more anthropology theses (part 1)

(LINKS UPDATED 29.10.22) Norwegian anthropologists no longer hide their master theses in distant libraries. Most theses are now available online in digital archives. Last week, more than 20 new theses (among them 11 in English) have been put online at DUO, the digital library of the University of Oslo.

On this rainy Sunday, I’ll pick out two studies:

Doing busness in Brazil. An anthropological study of the interaction between Norwegian and Brazilian business people is the title of the theses by Anita Wold. She conducted fieldwork in a Brazilian family company that recently was acquired by a Norwegian company. Furthermore, she interviewed Norwegians working in Brazil and Brazilians working in Norwegian companies.

Her point of departure: The increase in international business has created a demand for books about cultural differences in business that are easy to grasp. But books and teaching material within the field called intercultural communication is dominated by quantitative studies. “I believe anthropological theory can provide a more fruitful analytical framework for understanding communication between people with different backgrounds and knowledge”, she writes.

She shows among other things that the dominating figures within the field of intercultural communication use a problematic perspective on cultural difference. For Hofstede (2001), Trompenaars and Hampden-Turner (1997) national identity is an imprint of values and a collective “software” in peoples’ minds that produces a distinctive national behavioural pattern. Through quantitative studies these researchers have found a small set of value-based continuums of interpretation such as individuality-collectivist, masculinity-femininity, power distance etc. (see for example Hofstede’s country profiles):

I found that most of the Norwegian managers find “the Norwegian leadership style” the best way of practicing leadership. The Brazilian leadership style is considered to be more authoritarian than the Norwegian, and few of the Norwegian managers seemed to be willing to adjust their own practice.

The Norwegians, as owners and managers, are in a position where they can define the use of management techniques and practices in the companies where they are in command. However, whenever Norwegians engage with customers in Brazil, they are not in a position to define the situation and therefore have to adapt to local practices and demands in order to sell their products.

In exploring the interaction between people with different backgrounds, I have argued against the perception of culture as it is postulated by Hofstede (2001), Trompenaars and Hampden-Turner (1997). In the present study I have argued that business practices are embedded in the local context.

Thus, in order to understand the differences encountered by the Norwegian and Brazilian business people I have demonstrated the importance of placing the practices in a cultural, historic and economic context.Thus, quantitative studies and universalistic assumptions of cultural differences fail to achieve a fruitful understanding of the contextual variations.

>> download the thesis

lowrider

Martin Høyem has written the thesis I want my car to look like a whore. Lowriding and poetics of outlaw aesthetics. It as an extremely well written thesis and even fun to read. He captures the reader already on the first pages when he describes his first days in the field, looking for potential lowriders:

I never saw any lowrider cars in the streets, and this surprised me, since I had an impression—gathered from the material I studied before I left for the field—that the streets of LA would be packed with lowriders. I suddenly realized that my plan A of simply walking up to somebody with a lowrider asking to talk to them rested on a missing premise. I also realized I had no plan B.

At one of the first meetings with his informants, they asked him some questions:

“One thing first: Do you like Abba or Led Zeppelin?”
Chuy had presented me to everybody, in plenum, and asked that I talked a little about myself. (…) It was immediately clear to me what the right answer would be. “These guys aren’t Abba fans,” I thought to myself. And as Bourdieu points out: “Nothing more clearly affirms one’s ‘class’, nothing more infallibly classifies, than tastes in music.” (Bourdieu, 1984:18) (…) “I like Zeppelin,” I said. They all nodded and mumbled approvingly. “That was easy,” I thought.
(…)
Then one guy asked “What kind of car do you have?”
Not missing a beat—since I felt I was doing so well building credibility—I told them: “It’s a 1989 Cadillac Eldorado Biarritz. Two doors.” They didn’t like that. “Well at least it has two doors,” somebody mumbled.

For Martin Høyem it was important to contribute with new perspectives in the study of the lowrider culture:

As a result of the tendency in social studies within USA to threat themes in the light of ethnicity and gender, a major part of ethnographical studies portray the population groups they write about as exotic and describes them as physically and culturally isolated—as subcultures opposed to main-stream American culture. The same goes for descriptions of the lowrider culture, both in academic literature and in diverse types of popular culture.
(…)
The lowrider cars are traditionally described as products heavily influenced by the owner’s Mexican heritage. While there is obviously much to be said for these accounts, they often fall short of considering the class aspects in the judgment of aesthetical taste. I have pointed to data which illustrate how class background might be just as important, if not more, in an effort to analyze the cars and their owners place in the American consciousness.

Additionally, the outlaw mystique which clings to the cars and their owners is a social problem for the lowriders. (…) Perhaps the outlaw aesthetic in the lowriders play the same role as folklore did for the rise of the European romantic nationalism. Just like the scholars of that time gathered histories to demonstrate “connections with the cultural glories of supposed common ancestry” (Herzfeld 1996) the histories that are told through the outlaw aesthetic are stories seeking to establish an abstract common background.
(..)
Although the imagery tells stories of violent conflict solving, loose sexual morals, liberal use of recreational drugs and a strong focus on material values, the everyday reality for the majority of the people who parade this imagery is much more mundane; theirs is a life lived within a framework in agreement with the moral code of society.

>> download the thesis: I want my car to look like a whore. Lowriding and poetics of outlaw aesthetics

And here are the other nine new anthropology theses:

Anne Gry Venås: “School is for the lazy ones”. Local interpretations of children`s rights to education in a rural community in Guatemala

Matthew Whiting: Men & motors. Myth-making and the emulation of a past elite class

Brigt Hope: The function of the internet in the Moroccan public sphere

Marit Aune Bergstrøm: Struggling for respect and dignity. Strategies for shaping meaningful lives among persons with disability and their families in a community on the Mexican south-pacific coast

Hilde Johanne Bjugn Foss: The Hmong in the Twin Cities. Generational and gender differences in the perception of kinship, marriage and prestige

Katri Elina Matikainen: Transformative substances, knowledge and power. Affecting the course of events in a Gambian Mandinka village

Jonas Ursin-Holm Lea: Streets, skollies and coons in district six. On narratives and identity related to an area of forced removal in Cape Town, South Africa

Lene Cecilie Hellum: The face of the cowboy. Perspectives on myths and identities among Texan cowboys

Janne Waagbø: “Dancehall! – a serious thing!” Performing gender in Jamaican dancehall

UPDATE 1/10 Even more new theses in English! More in a later post.

lowrider

(LINKS UPDATED 29.10.22) Norwegian anthropologists no longer hide their master theses in distant libraries. Most theses are now available online in digital archives. Last week, more than 20 new theses (among them 11 in English) have been put online at…

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Going native – part of the darker arts of fieldworkers’ repertoir?

Anthropologist Cicilie Fagerlid is studying poetry slam in Paris and has become one of them she is studying as we see in the

. She seems to be in quite an intensive period of fieldwork and is wondering: Is “going native” part of the darker arts of fieldworkers’ repertoir?

She writes:

Both my fieldworks have been in environments close to my own interests. I could have been – and I surely would have loved to be – hanging around with policial activists in Brixton and mucisians in Tower Hamlets as well as slammeurs and slammeuses in Belleville, even without the excuse of doing fieldwork. Partly, I see this as a more honest anthropology as it is entirely based on the idea of an anthropology without radical difference, and more so, I don’t have to fake or hide anything – not what kind of information I’m looking for, neither my political views, my artistic interests and my way of life in any sense. On the other hand, as I’ve found myself asking the last week; what if I’m faking it all (so well that I believe it myself!), getting access through this perhaps naïve enthusiasm.

>> read the whole article in her blog

SEE ALSO:

Panic, joy and tears during fieldwork: Anthropology Matters 1/2007 about emotions

Fieldblogging from Nicaragua – reading anthropology is something totally different than DOING anthropology.

Paper by Erkan Saka: Blogging as a Research Tool for Ethnographic Fieldwork

Doing Fieldwork Among Poets and Rebels in Paris – Interview with Cicilie Fagerlid

Anthropologist Cicilie Fagerlid is studying poetry slam in Paris and has become one of them she is studying as we see in the video of herself - the anthropologist as slammeuse. She seems to be in quite an intensive period…

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Protests against British research council: “Recruits anthropologists for spying on muslims”

Reading my earlier post “The dangerous militarisation of anthropology” you might get the impression that this is something that only regards the U.S. But the same thing is happening in Britain. A few weeks ago the Association of Social Anthropologists of the UK and Commonwealth (ASA) passed a resolution that criticized a huge British research program that recruits anthropologists for “anti-terror” spying activities, and anthropologist Susan Wright (Danish University of Education) called for global coordination on this issue.

Here is ASAs resolution:

The ASA notes with concern the formulations of the recent ESRC/AHRC/FCO funding initiatives (Programmes) on ‘New Security Challenges’. While welcoming the withdrawal of the first proposed Programme, it considers that the revised initiative, particularly as set out in section 3.2. (that the research should inform UK Counter Terrorism policy overseas), is prejudicial to the position of all researchers working abroad, including those who have nothing to do with this Programme”.

This meeting thus proposes as follows:

* that all anthropologists in the UK, and members of the ASA in particular who might have applied for funding under this Programme, consider carefully the position in which they could place themselves, the people with whom they work in the field, and other colleagues. They should also note that research of this kind may well conflict with the ASA’s Code of Ethics,

* that the office-holders and Committee have the confidence of the ASA membership to discuss these issues with colleagues within this and other disciplines, both through networks and professional associations, and decide on what further actions are appropriate.

“This is a major issue that professional associations in the UK and the US need to take a hard line on”, writes Susan Wright in Anthropology Today February 2007:

It’s no use one country’s professional association taking a hard line and another not: it will make it impossibly difficult for politically marginalized people to decide who to work with and who not to if any country’s professional association condones academic enquiry being confused with spying, surveillance or counterinsurgency.

What’s this all about?

In July 2006, the British Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO) invited chosen academics to bid for funding under a £1.3-million research initiative entitled ‘Combating terrorism by countering radicalisation’. It is a research program that is based on the premise of a link between Islam, radicalization and terrorism. ‘Radicalization’ is a new buzzword in intelligence circles and was nowhere defined.

As Gustaaf Houtman explained in Anthropology Today 6/2006:

The ‘initiative’ was not openly advertised and MI5’s Joint Terrorism Analysis Centre (which in 2003 brought together counter-terrorist expertise from 11 key government departments and agencies, including the police), was understood to have participated in its design. The programme was jointly sponsored by the Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC) and the Arts and Humanities Research Council (AHRC) under the direction of Professor Stuart Croft, the Director of the ESRC’s five-year New Security Challenges Programme (a programme that began in 2003, and sponsors 40 research projects aiming ‘to try to offer fresh insight into the security challenges faced in the post-Cold War and post-9/11 globalized world’).

Under the ‘Combating terrorism programme’ six regions – Europe, Central Asia, South Asia, Southeast Asia, North Africa and the Gulf – and five specific countries – Jordan, Nigeria, Somalia, Sudan and Turkey – were chosen for study.

Academics would be asked to ‘scope the growth in influence and membership of extremist Islamist groups in the past 20 years’, ‘indicate where intervention strategies might have a disproportionate influence’, ‘name the key figures (moderate and extreme) and key groups (including charities and proselytising religious groups) influencing the local population’ and ‘understand the use of theological legitimisation for violence’. Among the main topics mentioned were ‘radicalisation drivers and counter- strategies in each of the country studies’ and ‘future trends likely to increase/decrease radicalisation’.

But these plans were suspended soon after the Times Higher Educational Supplement got hold of the story and this spring, a revised version was launched.

Nevertheless, the focus doesn’t seem to have changed a lot as we see in these lines in paragraph 3.2:

The FCO’s interest in this initiative stems from the recognition that independent, high-quality research on radicalisation issues can inform UK Counter Terrorism policy overseas. As part of the Prevent strand of that policy in particular, the FCO seeks to use research to increase its knowledge and understanding of the factors associated with radicalisation in those countries and regions identified as high priority. The Prevent strand is concerned with tackling the radicalisation of individuals, both in the UK and elsewhere, which sustains the international terrorist threat.

(…)

Proposals with a country or regional focus should address questions arising out of a critical engagement with the conventional wisdom and scholarship on topics of relevance to the initiative.

These include:
• Key political, social, cultural and demographic factors that impact upon Muslim populations in the area of study
• The social profile of those who may support or be attracted to violence, in terms of gender, age, class and ethnicity
• Diverse forms of avowedly Islamist mobilisation, both political and non-political, violent and non-violent
• The diversity of Islamic schools, organisations, political parties and social movements and the divisions between such bodies, movements and sects
• Patterns of migration, identity formation, and mobilisation among Muslim diasporic communities and their impact on ‘radicalisation’

The project is not an entirely British affair. According to Jeremy Keenan (Anthropology Today February 2007) it has been designed to meet the needs of its US ally, whose counter-terrorism initiatives have been running into an increasing number of difficulties in several places in the world. The FCO, he writes, had been asked by the Americans to help them in their “counterterrorist efforts” in the Sahara-Sahel. The FCO was now asking the ESRC and AHRC to get British academics involved. Keenan who has done reearch in this area for 30 years in this area has also been asked to advise them.

This ‘second front’, he writes, has played a key role in furthering US interests over the last five years. In particular, it has created the ideological conditions used to justify and legitimize the current militarization of Africa for the purposes of securing US strategic national resources – notably oil. The ‘front’ has also been used by the Pentagon’s controversial Office of Special Plans to ‘cherry-pick’ now largely disproved intelligence to support its invasion of Iraq. It has also helped to keep a more sceptical ‘old Europe’ supportive of the ‘global’ ‘war on terror’.

But as his research has shown, there are no terrorists there. Most, if not all, of the ‘terrorist’ incidents in this region, which justified the launch of the ‘second front’, Keenan writes, were fabricated by US and/or Algerian military intelligence services.

SEE ALSO:

The dangerous militarisation of anthropology

“Tribal Iraq Society” – Anthropologists engaged for US war in Iraq

Fieldwork reveals: Bush administration is lying about the “war on terror” in the Sahara

San Jose: American Anthropologists Stand Up Against Torture and the Occupation of Iraq and AAA Press Release: Anthropologists weigh in on Iraq, torture at annual meeting

“War on terror”: CIA sponsers anthropologists to gather sensitive information / see also debate on this on Savage Minds

Anthropology and Counterinsurgency: The Strange Story of Their Curious Relations

Bush, “war of terror” and the erosion of free academic speech: Challenges for anthropology

USA: Censorship threatens fieldwork – A call for resistance

Two Books Explore the Sins of Anthropologists Past and Present

Reading my earlier post “The dangerous militarisation of anthropology” you might get the impression that this is something that only regards the U.S. But the same thing is happening in Britain. A few weeks ago the Association of Social Anthropologists…

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